New Geography

Category: Economics

  • Biotech Research No Silver Bullet for Florida

    By Richard Reep

    Until recently, Florida was the king of growth, agriculture, and tourism. Growth – at 900 immigrants a day from other states – characterized Florida’s landscape for over 30 years, and growing cities were in perennial battle with agriculture up until the watershed year of 2009. As a tourist destination, Florida claimed world-class status, which once served the state just fine. Now, gasping for breath and facing financial uncertainty, Florida’s leadership frantically seeks a new silver bullet to create jobs, focusing on biomedical research. This focus is timely and important, and can truly move the state in a new direction, and the state leadership’s resolve to diversify the economy should stay strong, even with a short-term lack of results.

    Thanks to the Florida State Legislature’s 2006 Florida Capital Formation Act, It is now home to new facilities for Torrey Pines, Scripps, Max Planck, Nemours, the Miami Institute for Human Genomics, SRI International, the Vaccine & Gene Therapy Institute, and Charles Stark Draper Laboratory, Inc. However, the Millennial Depression has slowed growth and delayed the much-needed spinoffs that the state was counting on for job creation. Now, with the state’s coffers empty, the lack of instant job growth is causing a search for another, new instant success instead.

    Seven world-class life science research institutes in three years actually constitutes a remarkable achievement. Two are already off the ground and operational: Max Planck Institute and Torrey Pines. As they enter the operational phase, the laboratories are discovering that there is tough competition to attract top research scientists to Florida, with its noted lack of cultural amenities and its reputation for being, well, not exactly a progressive state in terms of education, culture, or environmental values.

    In January, however, the state legislature’s own analysis office recommended dropping life sciences research investment, because the return on this investment is measured in years. The politically correct unit of measurement today is apparently months or even minutes. In a published report, this office complained that its investment – all of three years old – had “not yet resulted in the growth of technology clusters”. It then recommended that Florida shift focus from research institutes to attracting biotech manufacturing companies, perhaps shortening the payback cycle.

    Only in our current times is failure defined as the lack of instant success. The report cites a lack of private venture capital as the reason for failure in Florida, yet digs no further into the reasons why Florida is low on the list of venture capital firms. This, along with government and large non-profit investment, is historically the only true source of funding for pure research, and is usually tightly tied to the region in which the research is to occur.

    As Thomas Edison’s winter home, Florida has always had a reputation among scientists and inventors as a vacation spot, rather than a real research venue. Venture capitalists prefer to cluster their investments around known quantities, and like most other investors, associate the unknown with high risk. By 2002, the Progressive Policy Institute ranked Florida 49th in employment of scientists and engineers, hardly news in a state dominated by service workers, construction laborers and immigrant farm labor.

    Unfortunately, scientists and their families tend to like the things that Florida is not good at: sensitivity towards the natural environment, excellent, competitive schools and universities, highly trained workforces and public philanthropy for arts and cultural activities. When it comes to private research grants, scientists tend to find their homes in places like San Diego, Boston, Berlin, and London. Beaches and theme parks just don’t appear on their radar screens.

    Thus, the state’s massive injection of capital has yet to produce any spin-off laboratories or manufacturing facilities around these new facilities. Private venture capital is simply shy to develop add-ons, knowing it will be a real hard sell to the main class of research scientists so desperately needed. And this fact, in these tough times, is what calls into question the whole investment strategy. On the surface, the state’s ambition to become king of research appears to be ludicrous.

    Yet, this lunacy may have method in it: Florida has many factors that do, in fact, favor life science research. It does have specific, although lightly funded, university research in biotech and medical study already in place. The state also has a gerontological population that provides a natural study base for much of the growing research in aging.

    Also, the scientific community is as diverse in its leisure and cultural choices as anybody, and Florida’s mild climate and recreational activities have already contributed to the attraction of new researchers. Unlike other, more established clusters in places like Boston and San Diego, Florida is also highly affordable, an important factor given the compensation levels to which many science professionals are accustomed. This is one reason Southern California gained an early foothold in aviation and science research and has maintained the lead in these areas.

    And lastly, sometimes it’s good to be the new kid on the block, for the competitive politics within other clusters has yet to develop in Florida. Even Florida’s former governor Jeb Bush expressed surprise at how “the state’s universities have played so well together” to gain its early foothold in science research. Florida has shown great energy and creativity in attracting these new research venues, and can continue to outperform the established, stable locations if it keeps its eye on the long-term goal and uses its natural advantages to sell the state to the scientific community worldwide.

    The strategic payoff is a more stable, educated state population that can ride out the boom/bust employment cycle better. This payoff, however, can only come if Florida’s leadership quits seeking a magic “silver bullet” to fix things in the next fifteen minutes, and does the hard work to attract and retain venture capital, invest in its educational system, and keep its collective eye on a long-term goal to become competitive in more than just a cheap place to live and vacation. Florida’s business and political leadership made some good choices to create a state-funded venture capital arm in 2006, and should stick to their commitments. If they pay their dues, eventually they may just find themselves a new crown to wear.

    Richard Reep is an Architect and artist living in Winter Park, Florida. His practice has centered around hospitality-driven mixed use, and has contributed in various capacities to urban mixed-use projects, both nationally and internationally, for the last 25 years.

    Photo: alternatePhotography

  • Why Millennials are Economic Liberals and What to Do About It

    The Obama administration celebrated the anniversary of the passage of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, or economic stimulus, by pointing out the gradual recovery of the United States economy has resulted in “saving or creating two million jobs.” But young Americans continue to bear the brunt of what is still America’s worst recession since the Great Depression.

    From December 2008 to December 2009, the employment of 16-24 year olds in the U.S. fell by 1.78 million, or a third of the total estimated drop in employment of 5.4 million. Only 41% of Millennials are working full time, a drop of 9 percentage points in the last few years, even as the proportion of older workers employed full time remained fairly stable.

    The experience with hard times of Millennials, born 1982-2003, is one of the main reasons why they strongly support the classic liberal solution of effective government intervention in the economy. Recent Pew research, for example, indicates, that far more than older generations, a large majority of Millennials (71%) agrees that the government should guarantee that every citizen has enough to eat and a place to sleep. Millennials are also the only generation in which a majority (54%) disagrees with the contention that if something is run by the government it is usually inefficient and wasteful and a plurality (49%) rejects the belief that the federal government controls too much of our daily lives.

    A recent study by UCLA professor Paola Giuliano, and her colleague Antonio Spilimbergo, clearly documents the impact of recessions on people who are between 18 and 25, “during which most beliefs on how society and the economy work are formed.” Their research found that individuals who experienced recessions much milder than our current Great Recession during these formative years believe that “luck rather than effort is the most important driver of individual success, support more government redistribution, and have less confidence in institutions.” Other research shows that people who think luck is the primary driver of success are more willing to increase taxes to pay for a more activist government. Giuliano and Spilimbergo’s findings support the observation that lies at the heart of William Strauss and Neil Howe’s generational cycle theory, namely that the “values, attitudes and world-views” acquired during this period of early socialization “become fixed within individuals and are resistant to change.”

    The research of Giuliano and Spilimbergo also suggests that the Millennial Generation’s economic liberalism comes with a healthy dose of skepticism about the ability of institutions to help them meet their profound economic challenge. To fully restore Millennial confidence, government will need to take effective action to deal with the economy and reaffirm America’s tradition of economic mobility and rising middle class incomes. Beyond whatever short-term benefits President Obama’s stimulus program has provided, longer term more structural changes in the economy will need be made — starting with education.

    Higher education remains an important antidote to low wage employment in such economic circumstances, but only if students complete their chosen field of study. Yale economist Lisa Kahn has found that “the labor market consequences of graduating from college in a bad economy are large, negative and persistent,” resulting in lower wages, in less prestigious jobs for extensive periods of time. Her research suggests that even college graduates fortunate enough to get a job still suffer a 6 to 7 percent initial loss in income for every one percent drop in employment. Even though the differential diminishes over time, her research found such unlucky graduates still experiencing a statistically significant 2.5% loss of wages fifteen years later.

    Even so, those who get a four year college degree earn on average 35% more than those who leave college without getting a degree. Getting one or two years of post-secondary education and receiving an associate’s degree from a community college or a certificate from a career college also boosts wages above what they would have been without such a degree. One Florida study found that holders of certificates in particular occupations such as health care or IT earned 27% more than those who attended, but failed to complete, college. Associate degree holders earned 8% more than those who had no post-secondary education.

    One major reason students aren’t able to get a degree or certificate is that three-fourths of associate degree or certificate seekers end up working to help cover their education and living costs. Meanwhile federal support for higher education has failed to keep up with rising costs so that more and more students find themselves financing their education with student loans of one type or another. In Indiana, for instance, 62 percent of those who do manage to graduate carry student loan debt averaging $23,264 per student. The loan burden in that state is even higher for graduates of for-profit, private colleges who leave school with an average debt burden of $32,650.

    Increasing Pell Grant funding and the value of college tuition tax deductions are two steps government could take to address this problem. Reforming the student loan program to eliminate subsidies to banks as President Obama has advocated, and including student loans under any consumer protection agency that might be created as part of financial regulatory reform would also help address this problem that would fit with Millennial’s liberal perspectives.

    The other major reason students fail to complete their post-secondary education is the inadequate preparation for college, especially in math and science, they receive in high school. This is something that parents of Millennials will tolerate no longer. As Neil Howe points out, “when these Gen-X “security moms” and “committed dads” are fully roused, they can be even more attached, protective and interventionist than Boomer [parents] ever were. . .They will juggle schedules to monitor their kids’ activities in person. . . [and] will quickly switch their kids into – or take them out of – any situation according to their assessment of their youngsters’ interests.”

    These “stealth-fighter parents” have already begun to move one of the largest and most consistently poorly performing school districts in the country, Los Angeles Unified, forcing the district to grant them more say in school curriculum and governance. Their success led California’s usually dysfunctional legislature to pass a “parent trigger” law empowering a majority of parents in a demonstrably failing school attendance area to fire the principal and half the teachers as part of a turnaround initiative. Congress should incorporate this very interventionist idea into its reauthorization of the framework federal education law when it comes up for renewal this year. It should also expand funding for the Obama administration’s innovative Race to the Top initiative, which rewards schools that improve student learning performance rather than simply subsidizing mediocrity.

    All of these ideas will be resisted by those who believe that individual success is solely based upon effort and initiative and don’t believe in the efficacy of government efforts to revive the economy. Others with a stake in the status quo will argue against some of these ideas. But Millennials, whose lifetime of liberal economic beliefs have been forged by their experience with the Great Recession, will resist entreaties from those who offer only laissez faire economic policies or who try to delay dealing with these problems. They want government to act quickly and effectively, before they and their siblings are doomed to never enjoy the American Dream.

    Morley Winograd and Michael D. Hais are fellows of the New Democrat Network and the New Policy Institute and co-authors of Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube, and the Future of American Politics (Rutgers University Press: 2008), named one of the 10 favorite books by the New York Times in 2008.

  • Olympic Games: Greece’s Gold Medal For Debt

    Although I cannot imagine that it will have much appeal in the ratings beyond C-Span 2, a terrific new reality program, Euro Bomb, could be produced around the survival of the Greek economy.

    The founder of both the ancient and modern Olympic games is in the midst of a debt crisis that threatens not just to send a few bondholders off the island, but has the potential to blow up the European Union’s currency zone.

    The first indication of a problem with Greeks bearing debts was when the yield on the country’s sovereign debt soared past seven percent; in Germany, similar paper pays only three percent, although, in theory, both countries are members in good standing of the Euro zone, and thus have an implicit guarantee from the community.

    Greece joined the European Union in 1981, embraced the Euro in 2002, and staged the summer Olympics in 2004, steps that were intended to lead the country out of its Balkan past. Alas the only Greek medal was for the cost overrun, leaving Athens with garlands of high-priced debts.

    Then it turned out that the Greek government had cooked the books that report the country’s budget deficit. It was actually 13 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), as opposed to the 3 percent that Athens had been reporting to Brussels. As late as 2009, Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou was assuring voters (some of whom were in the streets) that there was no need for austerity programs or budget cutbacks.

    Issuing phony financial statements has been a Greek sport of Olympian dimension since the time of Socrates. But the consequence of the latest illusion has been that the European Union is now confronted with the invoice for its continuing unity.

    For Greece, the choices are stark, but clear. It can default on its debts and get bounced from the European Union; it can cut public expenditures and watch the streets fill up with unemployed public sector workers; or it can throw itself on the mercy of the European Union or the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which would put in place a stabilization fund to keep the country afloat.

    The hard decisions are for the European Union, which, if it bails out Greece, could be forced to do the same, at a later date, for Portugal, Spain, Italy, Ireland, and possibly the United Kingdom, all of which took to borrowing as if it were pitchers of sangria.

    To be sure, the European Union could deliver Greece to the IMF, the vulture that normally descends on the roadkill of bankrupt countries. In recent years, the IMF has picked through the ruins of Argentina, Turkey, South Korea, and Mexico, and then returned them to the investment community, minus a few state assets and plus a lot of unhappy voters.

    But what does it say about the financial stability of the European Union — remember all the press releases about the United States of Europe and its standing as a global economic zone? — if Brussels cannot clean up the Greek mess, which only represents two percent of the European economy.

    Further, in weighing options for Greece, there is the specter of the political rivalry between the French president, Nicholas Sarkozy, and the IMF President, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, who is thinking of running for the French presidency in 2012 as the Socialist candidate.

    President Sarkozy has an Olympian-sized ego, and the last thing he wants is to run against someone who could claim that he, not Sarko, had saved the European Union.

    Without the full faith and credit of the international financial community, the European Union (read the taxpayers of Germany) might not want to bail out the Greeks, who are perceived as lounging at the beach on the dole while the bail-posters trudge off to a factory in Dortmund.

    Plus, the numbers in the great Greek unraveling are substantial: $20 billion is needed by April. National debt is approaching 100 percent of GDP ($380 billion), while the country has a budget, trade, and current account deficit, and a contracting economy. And these numbers are nothing when compared with the debts in Portugal, Spain, and Italy.

    The central weakness of the Euro zone is that it has a common currency and a European Central Bank, but none of the political control that normally comes with monetary responsibility.

    Decisions on the issuance of debt, on budget deficits, and public spending are made in each EU country, not Brussels, which thus finds itself as a lender of last resort in an economic zone over which it has only moral suasion (and very little cash).

    Normally when a country tanks, its currency depreciates, which stimulates exports and promotes recovery. (This explains some of the American recovery.) But Greece is tied to the Euro, which remains overvalued in relation to the dollar, so things like tourism and exports are expensive.

    For the moment, the United States feels itself to be above the Greek crisis. Even the dollar has rallied in the wake of Greek illiquidity. But writing in the Financial Times, the historian Niall Ferguson makes the point that “a Greek crisis is coming to America.”

    His argument is that the projected budget deficits and international borrowings of the Obama administration give the United States Greek-like financial qualities, such as debt equal to GDP, and that it is only a matter of time before vulture capitalists come to roost in Washington, concluding, “Yet even a casual look at the fiscal position of the federal government (not to mention the states) makes a nonsense of the phrase ‘safe haven.’ US government debt is a safe haven the way Pearl Harbor was a safe haven in 1941.”

    While waiting for an international rescue, the Greek government can rail against hedge-fund speculators (who went short the country), international banks (who sold them all this expensive, junk-grade paper), and world capitalism (which is treating Greece as if it were the beach house of the Lehman brothers).

    Or, in the spirit of reality television, it can invoke the economic philosophy of Alexis Zorba, aka Zorba the Greek, whose idea of a bailout package involved a lot of grilled lamb and ouzo. “No more fooling around, not in this place,” he said. “We’ll pull our pants up and make a pile of money.”

    Matthew Stevenson is author of the recently published Remembering the Twentieth Century Limited. He lives in Europe.

  • Welcome to Ecotopia

    In this era of tea-partying revolutionary-era dress-ups, one usually associates secessionism with the far right. But if things turn sour for the present majority in Washington, you should expect a whole new wave of separatism to emerge on the greenish left coast.

    In 1975 Ernest Callenbach, an author based in Berkeley, Calif., published a sci-fi novel about enviro-secessionists called Ecotopia; a prequel, Ecotopia Rising, came out in 1981. These two books, which have acquired something of a cult following, chronicle–largely approvingly–the emergence of a future green nation along the country’s northwest coast.

    Aptly described by Callenbach as “an empire apart,” this region is, in real life, among the world’s most scenic and blessed by nature. Many in this part of America have long been more enthusiastic about their ties to Asia than those with the rest of the country. It is also home to many fervent ecological, cultural and political activists, who often feel at odds with the less enlightened country that lies beyond their soaring mountains.

    Until the election of Barack Obama, the Pacific Northwest certainly was separating from the rest of America–at least in attitude. After George W. Bush’s victory the 2004 presidential election, the Seattle weekly The Stranger published an angry editorial about how coastal urbanites needed to reject “heartland values like xenophobia, sexism, racism and homophobia” and places where “people are fatter and dumber and slower.”

    Such a narrow, cynical view of the rest of the country is in line with Callenbach’s Ecotopia novels, in which the bad guys–representatives of American government and corporations–are almost always male, overweight and clueless about everything from technology to tending to the earth.

    Of course, would-be Ecotopians have much of which to be proud. The three great cities of the region–San Francisco, Portland and Seattle–easily rank among the most attractive on the continent. They all boast higher-than-average levels of education and–at least around San Francisco and Seattle–some of the world’s deepest concentrations of high-tech companies.

    Yet for all their promise, the Ecotopian regions cannot claim to have missed the current recession. Downtown Seattle currently suffers a vacancy rate in excess of 20%, the highest in decades; last year apartment rental rates dropped 13.8%, the steepest decline among American metros. Meanwhile vacancies in the Silicon Valley area south of San Francisco have soared to above 20%. By early this year, there was enough unoccupied office space in the Valley to fill 15 Empire State Buildings.

    This may seem a bit counter-intuitive for a region that boasts the headquarters of Microsoft, Costco, Amazon, Intel and Apple. But while such companies provide lots of high-wage employment, they are no longer enough to spark much growth across the region’s economy. The San Francisco area has actually lost jobs over the past decade and shows little sign of recovering its once prodigious growth rates.

    But easily the weakest of the economies has been Portland, which lacks the presence of major anchor firms like those in greater Seattle or the Bay Area. Portland’s unemployment rate has been well over 10% since late last year.

    A wave of youthful migration has made the city a slacker haven for the past decade and, in turn, exacerbated unemployment figures. Homeless kids now crowd the downtown area, which, although far from destitute, does appear pretty grungy in places.

    Yet, like the Ecotopians in the Callenbach novels, Portland residents and politicians seem nonplussed about their anemic economic performance. After all, the city voted heavily–despite solid opposition from the rest of the state–to raise Oregon’s taxes on wealthy individuals and corporations, a move likely to deter new in-bound investment.

    “You don’t have a big focus here on economic development,” observes Stephen B. Braun, dean of the School of Management at Portland’s Concordia University. “There’s much more emphasis on quality of life than on making a living.”

    The proof: Portland may have high unemployment, but the big idea around city hall is not how to promote jobs but about investing an additional $600 million in bike lanes.

    All these places, of course, avidly endorse green jobs even if there’s little prospect they could replace the jobs being lost in the fading blue-collar sectors. A growing green job sector needs a vibrant economy that produces things and builds new buildings, notions that have little currency across much of the region.

    This anti-growth attitude reflects that of Callenbach’s Ecotopia, which favors a “stable state” economy over job or wealth creation. Ecotopian politics explicitly ban both population increases and the private automobile.

    While the mayors of Portland, San Francisco and Seattle are hardly that extreme, they could propose policies that would make driving more burdensome. And they certainly seem to do wonders in chasing would-be baby-makers out of the city. All three cities have among the lowest percentages of children of any in the U.S.

    Perhaps the toughest issue facing the Ecotopian political economy lies with the issue of class. Callenbach’s Ecotopia adopts something of an anarchic socialism; the cities of the real ecotopia have tended toward ever greater class bifurcation.

    San Francisco, for example, boasts one of the highest per capita incomes in the nation and remains a favorite destination for inherited wealth, whether among individuals or nested in nonprofits. Yet according to the Public Policy Institute of California, if the cost of living is applied, San Francisco ranks high among urban counties in terms of its concentration of poverty.

    It doesn’t help that the city’s economy has been hemorrhaging corporate headquarters and mid-range middle-class jobs for decades. High-end workers commute to Google and other Valley companies, and others work in the financial or media sectors, but many mid-range jobs have been lost, many of them to more affordable business-friendly locales in places like Colorado.

    As middle-class jobs disappear, Ecotopia’s cities increasingly resemble restrictive communities that are anything but diverse. As analyst Aaron Renn has pointed out, Portland and Seattle stand as among the whitest big cities in the nation. And San Francisco’s once vibrant African-American population has been dropping for decades.

    In the coming years this pattern will likely become more pronounced in Seattle and Portland as well. These cities continue to attract many well-educated people, particularly from California, who in turn bring with them both significant accumulated wealth and anti-growth attitudes.

    Strict “green” planning regimes are also accelerating the decline of the local middle class by driving housing prices up, greatly diminishing the once wide affordability for the middle class. Seattle’s regulatory environment, according to one recent study, has bolstered housing prices in the region by $200,000 since 1989. The percentage of families who could afford a median price home in the area has fallen by more than half.

    Many observers see a similar outcome from Portland’s widely ballyhooed planning regime. Despite the massive acceptance by planners as something of a model for the restored city, the vast majority of all job and population growth in the region has occurred at the less pricey fringes, including across the river in Vancouver, Wash., which lies outside the fearsome Portland planning regime.

    So what is the future for the region, and particularly the eco-cities? If the country starts moving toward the center, and even the right, you can expect Ecotopian sentiment to rise again, perhaps not to the point of secession but expressed in attitude.

    But this may not be all bad. As America’s population grows and other regions rise, perhaps it’s helpful for the various parts of the country to experiment with different systems. Short of civil war, there’s something to be said for relentless, even if sometimes daft, experimentation at the local level. The rest of country may not follow all their strictures, but our would-be Ecotopians could produce some interesting and even usable ideas.

    This article originally appeared at Forbes.com.

    Joel Kotkin is executive editor of NewGeography.com and is a distinguished presidential fellow in urban futures at Chapman University. He is author of The City: A Global History. His newest book is The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050, released in Febuary, 2010.

  • Ethics, Banking And The Coin of the Realm

    Many years ago, I wrote for a New York investment bank whose name has been semi-obscured by the epidemic of shotgun marriages on Wall Street in the intervening decades. Thus, the news that Goldman Sachs enabled the miserable financial accounting habits of Greece did not surprise me, nor, I feel sure, anyone who ever worked for one of the banks. As many characters on “The Wire” put it over five years of exquisite television, “All in the game, yo.” Or, in the words of a previous era’s television icon — JR Ewing, Texas oilman on “Dallas” — “Once you give up your ethics, the rest is a piece of cake.”

    The New York Times account of a team of Goldman bankers parachuting into Athens last November was unusual in one way: the fact that the assault was led by the bank’s president. That indicates the priority attached to the possibility that a sovereign nation’s economy might go the way of Lehman Brothers, with Goldman’s DNA on the corpse. What financial resources did he have in his briefcase? I wonder. It can’t have been US taxpayer money — Goldman had already paid that back.

    No, Goldman offered the same kind of solution, ultimately refused, that had worked many times in the past, which the Times described as “a financing instrument that would have pushed debt from Greece’s health care system far into the future, much as when strapped homeowners take out second mortgages to pay off their credit cards.”

    Legal? Probably. Ethical? Well…

    You remember “Ethics.” It’s defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as the “science of morals; moral principles or code.” Some science. I once had to go from office to office at the bank for a CEO speech on the topic, to be delivered at the Harvard Business School. I heard story after story about how the bank’s morals were routinely tested, ranging from the ridiculous to the sublimely ridiculous, to the frontiers of illegality.

    To be fair, some bankers still felt bound by institutional standards, in part because they still operated under a commercial bank charter, which meant they were more tightly regulated than pure investment banks. For example, the bankers were precluded by bank policy from making political contributions to state and municipal politicians to underwrite bond issues — so-called pay-to-play — which put them at a big disadvantage in competition to Wall Street’s classic buccaneers. The separation of commercial and investment banking, embodied in the Depression-era Glass-Steagall Act, is something many in government and the financial industry would like to restore.

    But generally speaking, rules were meant to be bent, if not broken. In finance, doing things you might have trouble explaining to your own mother is business as usual. The ethical line that defines what’s right is often very close to the line that defines what’s legal. The bigger problems are posed by the line that separates what’s right from what’s profitable. Bankers always have their feet firmly planted on a slippery slope.

    At times, the distinctions are trivial. For example, among the people I met at work, there was the old Middle Eastern hand who kept a bottle of Scotch in his desk in Riyadh for clients who dropped by to talk business on evenings during Ramadan. Islam and Saudi law forbid locals to drink, but, hey, at least they only indulged after they were done praying for the day.

    My acquaintance’s day job consisted of arranging deals that circumvented the Islamic strictures against charging interest. This is achieved by transmuting loans into discrete purchases and sales at precise intervals and prices that happen to track market interest rates during the elapsed time. It had been common practice when doing business with oil-rich Muslims for decades, but you could see a degree of moral fudging that could easily snowball.

    Today’s headlines on the crisis in Greece — and its ethical dimensions — echo the ethical quandaries faced by bankers in days gone by. There was the time that a world-renowned hedge fund operator wanted to speculate against the currency of another European country that today has massive credit problems of its own, and he wanted our bank to take some of his positions. The bank was big enough so that these positions could be disbursed throughout its book, and thereby escape notice prematurely. You do your client’s bidding, right? But what do you do when the central bank of the target country is also your client? Do you warn them? Do you refuse to act on behalf of one client when its interests are opposed to those of another? This is where the “science of morals” becomes the “art of morals,” and it is abstract art: you can see anything you want to see on the canvas. Besides, the speculator wouldn’t be attacking the currency if the country were better run.

    In a case which probably came close in mechanics to the transactions in the current crises in Greece, a huge economy’s huge bank, or maybe it was a too-big-to-fail industrial company, or maybe it was the Treasury of the nation itself (the distinctions have been blurred by the mists of time) wanted to move its regulatory obligations forward and thereby delay embarrassment or financial catastrophe until the future. Sound familiar? No? Then you haven’t been reading the papers.

    In this instance, explicit reporting deadlines had to be bridged, and the true health of a nation’s finances was at risk, at least insofar as accounting rules can be counted upon to define fiscal risk. The upright bankers did what any ethical beings would do. They insisted that the nation’s Finance Minister give an explicit nudge and wink, so that the bank’s complicity would have legal cover if the transaction ever came to light.

    This month’s Greek situation follows this template. Loans become swaps or other transactions that escape rules on lending, and circumvent deadlines. The problem is always pushed off into the future. This is an established tradition. Speaking about sovereign debt, Walter Wriston at Citibank used to say that you pay off a Treasury bill by selling another Treasury bill. Today you pay off a Treasury bill by calling it something else and selling that, if that’s what your customer wants. Rules, credit limits, due diligence, regulations, laws…these are just words. A rose may be a rose, but if you don’t want the wrong people to notice the smell, call it something else.

    At the dawn of the contemporary banking culture (the mid-1990s – so last century) a trader at Bankers Trust, another one of those institutions whose name has disappeared, was caught on tape saying, “What Bankers Trust can do for Sony and IBM is to get in the middle and rip them off, make a little money. Funny business, you know? Lure people into that calm and then just totally f— ‘em.”

    F— ‘em? He says that as if it’s a bad thing. American banking has now tracked the full trajectory from Nicholas Biddle, president of the Second Bank of the United States, and thorn in the side of Andrew Jackson, to his descendant Sydney Biddle Barrows, known as the Mayflower Madam, who ran a New York City call-girl ring in the 1980s. She famously said, “Clients don’t pay you to be with them, they pay you to go away”. Well, yes. Banks are there to serve your needs, and then they leave. But when the urge returns, they are just a phone call away.

    Henry Ehrlich is co-author of the forthcoming Asthma Allergies Children: A Parent’s Guide, and editor of the upcoming companion website AsthmaAllergiesChildren.com. Bankers Trust and “Dallas” quotations fromThe Wiley Book of Business Quotations, edited by Henry Ehrlich.

  • Creating a Pearl River Delta Megapolis, The Growth Story of the 21st Century

    In Southern China, the Pearl River Delta is giving rise to an urban super-power in the first rank.

    In 2005, the wealthiest metropolises were still led by the thriving urban agglomerations of the leading advanced economies in North America, Western Europe and Japan; that is, Tokyo, New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, Paris and London. The scale economies of these metropolises are as significant as those of many national economies. For instance, the estimated GDP of Tokyo and New York City, respectively, was not that different from the total GDP of Canada or Spain, whereas London’s estimated GDP was higher than that of Sweden or Switzerland.

    In contrast with 2005, when most of the top-100 wealthiest cities were in the G-7 economies, by 2020 a third of these wealthy cities will be in the large emerging economies. However, such rankings are based on linear extrapolations, which tend to downplay growth differences and the impact of rapid urbanization. One of such rapid-growth regions is the Pearl River Delta (PRD), or Zhusanjiao – Southern China’s low-lying area where the Pearl River flows into the South China Sea.

    This area includes Metropolitan Guangzhou, a city of 10 million, capital of the Guangdong Province, which has more than 110 million people; Shenzhen, one of the fastest-growing cities in the world; and Hong Kong, one of the most competitive cities worldwide. In this region, urban planners are joining forces to create a massive Pearl River Delta Megapolis – which includes half a dozen cities of more than 4 million people each (Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Hong Kong, Dongguan, Foshan, and Jiangmen).

    Since the economic liberalization in the late 1970s, the PRD has become one of the leading economic regions and a major manufacturing center of China. It is an ideal place for foreign investment. Hong Kong provides a world-class financial, logistics and service center, while Guangdong has first-rate electronics and manufacturing capabilities. It is these complementarities that are expected to drive the rise of the PRD region.

    Two Cities, Two Systems: Hong Kong and Shenzhen

    In 1997, Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty as a Special Administrative Region (SAR). China promised Hong Kong a 50-year autonomy; “one-country, two systems”, as Deng Xiaoping put it.

    Measured by purchasing power parity, Hong Kong’s GDP per capita today is about $42,600 (the U.S. average is $46,600). With its seven million people, it is almost as prosperous as Switzerland in terms of GDP per capita.

    This success is linked to China’s soaring economic growth, Hong Kong’s tax incentives, financial services, and its role in global trade. Despite Asia’s 1997 crisis, the technology sector slowdown, and SARS, Hong Kong’s economic engine has continued to hum. Today, the resilient city-state remains a globally important trade, shipping and the financial hub for the Greater Pearl River Delta.

    In the past, Hong Kong was the main gateway to mainland China. As the mainland has given rise to rapidly-growing and increasingly prosperous 1st tier metropolises, there are now almost 110 cities with more than 1 million people in China (by 2025 there will be more than 150 such cities in China). As a result, the role of gateway cities is becoming redundant.

    In 2008, Hong Kong International Airport handled almost 48 million people. However, since the opening of the Baiyun International Airport in Guangzhou, just one hour away from Hong Kong via a high-speed ferry, the region has been growing as an air transportation hub for the region. In 2008, it handled more than 33 million people and was the 2nd busiest airport in mainland China in terms of passenger traffic. Currently, Guangzhou is preparing for the Asian Games in late fall 2010, which will attract millions of visitors.

    Despite 30 million tourists in Hong Kong last year, the growth levels are highest in nearby Macau, China’s Las Vegas, where half of the $22 billion GDP is attributed to gaming, tourism and hospitality industries. It was shipping that initially made Hong Kong, still one of the world’s biggest container ports by output. Ever since Yangshan, a massive deepwater port off the southern coast off Pudong, opened its first phase in 2004, Shanghai’s role has risen rapidly. In 2008, the list of the world’s busiest container seaports – measured by total mass of shipping containers – was led by Singapore, followed by Shanghai, Hong Kong, Shenzhen and Guangzhou.

    Since Shenzhen was established as China’s first economic zone in 1979, the former fishing village has exploded into a prosperous city of 9 million; if, floating migrant population is included, the population base probably exceeds 14 million. Today, Shenzhen has been rated the fifth most crowded city in the world, following Mumbai, Calcutta, Karachi and Lagos – and the first in population density in China, according to Forbes magazine.

    The urban density of population in Shenzhen is 17,150 people per square kilometer, followed by Shanghai at 13,400 people. For a comparison, urban density in metropolitan Los Angeles and New York is 2,750 and 2,050 people, respectively. Unlike the U.S. cities, however, Chinese cities continue to grow – rapidly.

    Shenzhen lacks Hong Kong’s financial sophistication and global mindset. Hong Kong would like to take advantage of Shenzhen IT capabilities and manufacturing cost-efficiencies. Together, the two could evolve into the mainland’s technology hub and IPO venue.

    In 2008, Shenzhen’s GDP per capita was already $13,200 (almost approximate with Taiwan or South Korea). Combined, the total GDP of Hong Kong ($215 billion) and Shenzhen ($120 billion) would be about the same as that of Argentina or Iran.

    “Front Shop, Back Factory” Is No Longer Enough

    As the United States was swept by the global recession in late 2007, the Guangdong and Hong Kong governments intensified their high-level strategies for cooperation. The leaders of the province and the city-state see the next 20 years as a golden age in the acceleration of economic integration between the two territories, and in the creation of a world-class Pearl River Delta Megapolis.

    The proponents of the integration tend to use the term ‘metropolis.’ In fact, the PRD agglomeration would simply dwarf existing metropolises worldwide. Accordingly, the term ‘megalopolis’ may be more appropriate.

    The basic goal of this massive integration would be to enhance quality of life and status of the Greater Pearl River Delta agglomeration. Accordingly, the proponents of the GPRD seek to speed up the upgrading and restructuring of industries in the region. They hope to ensure Hong Kong’s continued prosperity and stability and increase the integrated competitiveness of the region. They also hope to develop an important engine for the development of China and the Pan-Pearl River Delta Region.

    Naturally, such objectives require substantial industrial restructuring and upgrading. In the course of 30 years of China’s reform and opening up, Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta region jointly created an economic miracle based on the model of “Front Shop, Back Factory”. In this model, the PRD region served as the factory of the world, while Hong Kong exploited its service capabilities.

    The growth model is no longer sustainable. It has been continuously weakened. At the same time, signs of change have already become apparent in Guangzhou.

    The Pearl River Delta manufacturing industry has entered an era of restructuring, consolidation, and upgrading in three major sectors; that is, the region’s key industries, the high-tech industry and industry supporting systems. Overall, future prospects for the manufacturing industry look bright.

    Megapolis-in-Progress

    In Guangdong, Party Secretary Wang Yang has called for new thinking on Guangdong-Hong Kong economic integration, while Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Donald Tsang has stressed the need to strengthen Guangdong-Hong Kong economic cooperation. Nearly 80 percent of the residents in the two territories surveyed express confidence in accelerated cooperation between the two territories.

    Still, the plan also poses monumental problems and obstacles, including differences between Guangdong and Hong Kong in their legal, economic, public administration and social services systems. In addition to these differences, the region’s rapidly-growing urban centers have strategic objectives of their own. Competitive strains also exist between the different cities in the region.

    Yet, the incentives for agglomeration are more powerful. The development of the PRD Megapolis would spur growth in the region’s GDP, trade and investment. Some think-tanks expect the GDP of the PRD Metropolis to exceed $2.7 trillion on the basis of the current exchange rates in the next 30 years. For all practical purposes, this would mean that, by 2038, the PRD GDP would be comparable to that of the New York or London metropolitan areas. It will no longer be and up-and-comer; like Tokyo, it will stand as an urban super-power in the first rank – but more than three times bigger.

    Dr. Dan Steinbock is research director of international business at the India, China and America Institute (USA). He currently also serves as senior fellow at the Shanghai Institute for International Studies (SIIS), and visiting professor at the Shanghai Foreign Trade Institute. Dr Steinbock divides his time between New York City, Shanghai and Guangzhou, and occasionally Helsinki, Finland. His new book is Winning Across Borders: How Nokia Creates Strategic Advantage in a Fast-Changing World (Jossey-Bass/Wiley, April 2010) and his most recent policy brief is “Legacy and Globalization: Shanghai and Hong Kong as China’s Emerging Global Financial Hubs” (SIIS).

  • America’s European Dream

    The evolving Greek fiscal tragedy represents more than an isolated case of a particularly poorly run government. It reflects a deeper and potentially irreversible malaise that threatens the entire European continent.

    The issues at the heart of the Greek crisis – huge public debt, slow population growth, expansive welfare system and weakening economic fundamentals – extend to a wider range of European countries, most notably in weaker fringe nations like Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain (the so-called PIIGS). These problems also pervade many E.U. countries still outside the Eurozone in both the Baltic and the Balkans.

    But things are also dicey in some of the core European powers, notably Great Britain, which has soaring debt, high unemployment and very slow growth. Even solvent economies like France, the Netherlands and the continental superpower, Germany, have fallen short of expectations and are expected to experience meager growth for the rest of the year.

    Europe’s poor performance undermines the widespread view held by left-leaning American pundits, policy wonks and academics about Europe’s supposedly superior model. This Euro-philia has a long history, going back at least to the Tories during the Revolution. In better times America usually moves beyond European norms instead of retreating to its cultural mother.

    When the U.S. hits a rough spot, however, there’s a ready chorus urging us to emulate the old continent. During the psychological meltdown that accompanied the Vietnam War, some pundits looked longingly at the relatively peaceful and increasingly affluent Europe as a role model. “There is much to be said for being a Denmark or Sweden, even a Great Britain, France or Italy,” Andrew Hacker said in 1971.

    In the 1980s, as the country struggled to recover its historic competitiveness, numerous pundits suggested adopting European models, notably French and German, to restore our economic standing – a notion widely echoed by Euro-nationalists such as former French President Francois Mitterand’s eminence grise, Jacques Attali.

    Two decades later, with the U.S. reeling from the Great Recession, there’s been a rebirth of euro-mania. Author Parag Khanna, for his part, envisions a “shrunken” America that is lucky to eke out a meager existence between a “triumphant China” and a “retooled Europe.” And Jeremy Rifkin, in his The European Dream, promotes the continent as a morally preferable model – more egalitarian, open and environmentally sensitive – a sentiment recently echoed in my old New America colleague Steven Hill’s Europe’s Promise: Why the European Way Is the Best Hope in an Insecure Age.

    Yet over the past four decades Europe’s core economies – the E.U. 15 – have lagged behind the U.S. in terms of both gross domestic product and job growth. Overall, the E.U. 15’s share of the global GDP has declined to 26% from 35% while the U.S. has held on to its share, now roughly equal to that of its European counterparts. The big winners, of course, have been in East and South Asia.

    Some of this has to do with the difficulties of maintaining an elaborate welfare state. In a productive, efficient and still largely homogeneous country such as the Netherlands or Sweden, an expansive system of social insurance and a vast public sector remains an affordable luxury.

    In contrast, countries like Portugal, Greece and to some extent Spain have tried to create a Scandinavian-style welfare state based on Banana Republic economies. In addition, over-reliance on tourism and real estate speculation has proved no more viable there than in places like Las Vegas or Phoenix.

    Europe’s problems may prove even more profound in the long term. For example, Europe has some of the lowest birthrates in the world. Among 228 countries ranked in terms of birthrate, Europe accounts for 20 of the bottom 28. These include relatively prosperous Germany (No. 226) and Sweden as well as a range of the shaky fringe including Greece, Bosnia, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Portugal and Spain.

    The shrinking population problem is complicated by the fact that the one growing source of new Europeans consists of Muslim immigrants who generally have not integrated well into continental society. Many European countries – Denmark, the Netherlands and Switzerland, for example – are taking steps to shut their doors, something that may promote harmony and security but could exacerbate the long-term demographic decline.

    With their state-driven economies pledged largely to support a growing population of aging boomers, it’s hard to see what new sources of growth will propel the continent in the coming decades. Overall, according to the European Central Bank, the Eurozone’s growth potential is now roughly half that of the United States.

    Meager economic growth may also be affecting one of Europe’s greatest achievements: its relative egalitarianism. The trend toward greater inequality, earlier evident in the U.S., has now spread to Europe, including such famously “egalitarian” countries as Finland, Norway and Germany, which was the only E.U. country to see wages fall between 2000 and 2008.

    In Berlin, Germany’s largest city, unemployment has remained far higher than the national average, with rates at around 15%. One quarter of the workforce earns less than 900 euros a month. In Berlin, 36% of children are poor, many of them the children of immigrants. “Red Berlin,” with its egalitarian ethos, notes one left-wing activist, has emerged as “the capital of poverty and the working poor in Germany.” [i]

    As in the U.S., the burden of recession has fallen most heavily on younger people. An OECD analysis found that older European workers enjoyed the best gains during the past 30 years, while children and young people fared worse. For E.U. workers under 25 the unemployment rate is well over 20%, slightly higher than that of the U.S. but a remarkable statistic given the far less rapid expansion of the European workforce.

    The situation is particularly dire in Europe’s exposed southern tier. Young people who rioted in Athens in 2008 suffer unemployment rates in excess of 25%. By the end of 2009 unemployment for those under 25 stood at 44% in Spain and 31% in Ireland. Even in Sweden the youth unemployment rate has reached 27%.

    If the pattern of the last decade holds, many of Europe’s most talented young people will end up in the U.S., particularly once the recession comes to an end. By 2004 some 400,000 European Union science and technology graduates were residing in the U.S. Barely one in seven, according to a recent European Commission poll, intends to return. “The U.S. is a sponge that’s happy to soak up talent from across the globe,” observes one Irish scientist.

    Of course, there is still much we can learn from Europe. Besides a sometimes enviable lifestyle, Europeans offer some intriguing health care models and have led the way in efficient fuel economy standards. But overall, profound differences in demographics and cultural traditions suggest that America cannot easily follow a European approach to social organization and planning.

    Indeed as the U.S. and Europe confront the challenge of the rising Asian powers, their approaches likely will have to diverge. To maintain its economy and pay its debts, America will have to focus on creating jobs and opportunities for a growing population. Europeans will struggle with declining workforces, radically skewed demographics and an increasingly burdensome welfare state.

    In the 21st century we will witness not so much a clash of civilizations, but a more subtle parting of the ways. Americans need to choose a path that makes sense for us, not one drawn from an aging society whose future seems unlikely to match its past achievements.

    [i] “Income inequality and poverty rising in most OECD countries,” OECD, Oct. 21, 2008; Nicholas Kulish, “In German Hearts, a Pirate Spreads the Plunger Again,” New York Times, Nov. 6, 2008; Sally McGrane, “Berlin’s Poverty Protect It From Downturn,” Spiegel on line, March 4, 2009; Emma Bode, “Unemployment and poverty on the rise in Berlin,” World Socialist Web Site, Aug. 30, 2008

    This article originally appeared at Forbes.com.

    Joel Kotkin is executive editor of NewGeography.com and is a distinguished presidential fellow in urban futures at Chapman University. He is author of The City: A Global History. His newest book is The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050, released in Febuary, 2010.

    Photo: leucippus @Flickr

  • Atlanta: Ground Zero for the American Dream

    The Atlanta area has much to be proud of, though it might not be obvious from the attitudes exhibited by many of its most prominent citizens. For years, local planners and business leaders have regularly trekked to planning’s Holy City (Portland) in hopes of replicating its principles in Atlanta. They would be better saving their air fares.

    Money Better Spent by Government than People? Most recently, Jay Bookman of the Atlanta Journal Constitution wonders whether taxes are high enough in Georgia and seems envious of the fact that Oregon’s voters approved tax increases in a recession, despite months of having one of the highest unemployment rates in the nation. Perhaps they were naïve enough to believe that the higher taxes would not stand in the way of attracting new business to the state. Or, perhaps the voters believed that, as a neighbor to basket case California, Golden State businesses might still flee to Oregon as an expensive but less congested environment (Note 1).

    Portland Transit: Nothing to Emulate: Bookman is also envious of Portland’s transit system with its light rail and commuter rail. Perhaps he is unaware of the “pecking order” of transit. Atlanta’s MARTA is superior to Portland’s MAX light rail in virtually every respect. MARTA a world class Metro. It is fully grade separated and averages about 70% faster than MAX, which is a revival of abandoned streetcar technology. It is thus not surprising that MARTA carries three times as much passenger demand as MAX, despite a total route length approximately the same as in Portland. Despite MARTA’s superiority to MAX, both the Atlanta and Portland transit systems share the transit curse of excessive costs. Atlantans are paying far less to subsidize their transit system than if they had unwisely, like Portland, extended it and taxed residents throughout the suburbs.

    Portland’s Embarrassing Commuter Rail Line: And, commuter rail does not appear to be a matter of pride in Portland at this point. Portland’s one commuter rail line celebrated its first year anniversary recently. Before the line opened, Tri-Met transit officials estimated that the line would “have 2,400 riders a day as soon as service begins.” The Wilsonville to Beaverton WES commuter rail line, however, never came close to that number. Daily ridership has been under 1,200. But the relative paucity of riders did not interfere with the transit agency’s spin and the media’s general sheepish agreement. At the one year anniversary a Tri-Met spokeswoman commented that “When you think about having 55,000 jobs lost in the region, that translates into fewer transit riders throughout the system and particularly during rush hour.” However, nowhere near the half of riders that failed to show for WES cannot be blamed on Portland’s high unemployment rate. If Portland were to return to unemployment levels of a year ago, WES would likely add no more than 50 daily riders.

    So, recession-ravaged Portland has built a commuter rail line that carries, at best, 0.5% of the capacity of adjacent freeways when it operates. Moreover, it has been costly. The line costs about $60 per passenger, only $2.50 of which is collected in fares. This means that the annual subsidy per passenger is nearly $15,000, almost enough to pay the annual mortgage cost on two median priced Atlanta homes.

    Portland Traffic Congestion Worse than Atlanta: Atlanta is renowned for its traffic congestion, which is a direct result of its failure to invest in the type of arterial grid that could provide substantial relief for its less than robust freeway system. Yet, based upon the latest Inrix National Traffic Scorecard, (GPS collected data for 2009), there is less peak period travel delay (as measured by the Travel Time Index) in Atlanta than in Portland, which is a reversal from data earlier in the decade (see note).

    Atlanta: Adding a New Zealand: Atlanta has no reason to look to Portland as a model, or anywhere else, for that matter. Coming out of World War II, the Portland metropolitan area was larger than the Atlanta metropolitan area (1950). Since that time, Portland has grown strongly, adding 1.5 million people. Atlanta has added more than three times as many people. The result is an economy that produces at least $150 billion more in wealth every year than Portland. Thus, the difference between Atlanta and Portland is more than the gross domestic product of New Zealand. For at least the last two decades, Atlanta has been the fastest growing large metropolitan area in the high-income world.

    Atlanta: Land of Opportunity: But perhaps the biggest draw about Portland for Atlanta leaders is its “growth management” (so-called “smart growth”) land use policies. Portland has drawn an urban growth boundary around its urbanization. Its land regulators commission “sun rises in the West” studies to deny the fact that this rationing of land increases house prices. There is, however, no question of the impact of more restrictive land use policies, from the World Bank to members of central bank boards to decorated economists such as Kat Barker of the Bank of England and Donald Brash, former governor of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand.

    The result is superior housing affordability. Late in the year, the median house price in Atlanta was 2.1 times median household incomes (the Median Multiple). By comparison, the Median Multiple in Portland was 4.2, indicating that house prices are twice as high relatively speaking in Portland. In 1990, before Portland implemented its more stringent smart growth policies, housing affordability in Portland was about equal to Atlanta.

    But there is more to the story. Portland’s heavy handed planning policies are distorting product offerings so much that only the richest can afford more than a miniature back yard. This is illustrated by the images of new housing developments below in the suburbs of Portland and Atlanta (below). Both pictures are taken from approximately 1,500 feet above the ground.

    In the Portland example, virtually on the fringe of the urban area (the next urbanization is at least 10 miles away); houses are stacked in at more than 15 to the acre, with just a few feet between the roof-lines – vaguely reminiscent of third world shantytowns (Note 2). The more traditional suburban development that characterizes most of Portland is also shown on three sides of the overly dense new development.

    In the Atlanta example, houses have been recently built at about 4 to the acre, which has been the American suburban norm (except where land use regulations have required larger lots). The emerging sameness of Portland’s housing gives new meaning to the “ticky tack” criticism of suburbanization.

    Our 6th Annual Demographia International Housing Affordability Survey found Atlanta to be the second most affordable metropolitan area with more than 1,000,000 residents and the 17th most affordable metropolitan area out of 272 markets in six nations. Portland ranked 180th. Atlanta is truly a land of opportunity for young households and lower middle income households that can never hope of owning their own home in Portland’s pricey, growth management driven market.

    Rather than being a shameful example of metropolitan disaster, Atlanta remains one of the diminishing number of American urban areas where the American Dream can still be offered at a price that middle income households can afford. Atlanta has also emerged as one of the world’s best examples of ethnic diversity, not only in the core but also in the suburbs. More than half of the new residents in the suburbs have been non-Anglo since 1990 in Atlanta, about which it can proud. Atlanta is inferior only in the quality of is public relations and self-understanding. It should be a required stop for planners from Portland and beyond, for remedial education on injecting humanity and aspiration back into urbanization.

    Note 1: Bookman also notes in his column that Portland’s traffic congestion has not worsened at the rate I predicted in a 1999 Atlanta Constitution oped. I had not anticipated the huge gasoline price increases, which have materially reduced the rate of traffic growth virtually everywhere and made previous congestion increase rates unreliable as predictors of future growth.

    Note 2: For example, see the similar rooflines in a Dhaka shantytown near Gulshan at 23:47 North and 90:24 East in Google Earth. The principal difference in roof lines is the Dhaka slum’s lack of streets and cars, both of which seem consistent with the anti-mobility stance of “smart growth” planning.

    Wendell Cox is a Visiting Professor, Conservatoire National des Arts et Metiers, Paris. He was born in Los Angeles and was appointed to three terms on the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission by Mayor Tom Bradley. He is the author of “War on the Dream: How Anti-Sprawl Policy Threatens the Quality of Life.”

    Photo: hyku

  • America on the Rise

    For much of the past decade, “declinism” – the notion that America is heading toward a deadly denouement – has largely been a philosophy of the left. But more recently, particularly in the wake of Barack Obama’s election, conservatives have begun joining the chorus, albeit singing a somewhat different variation on the same tune.

    In a recent column in The Washington Post George Will illustrates this conservative change of heart. Looking over the next few decades Will sees an aging, obsolescent America in retreat to a young and aggressive China. “America’s destiny is demographic, and therefore is inexorable and predictable,” he suggests, pointing to predictions by Nobel Prize economist Robert Fogel that China’s economy will be three times larger than that of the U.S. by 2040.

    Will may be one of America’s great columnists, but he – like his equally distinguished liberal counterpart Thomas Friedman – may be falling prey to a current fashion for sinophilia. It is a sign of the times that conservatives as well as liberals often underestimate the Middle Kingdom’s problems – in addition to America’s relative strengths.

    Rarely mentioned in such analyses is China’s own aging problem. The population of the People’s Republic will be considerably older than the U.S.’ by 2050. It also has far more boys than girls – a rather insidious problem. Among the younger generation there are already an estimated 24 million more men of marrying age than women. This is not going to end well – except perhaps for investors in prostitution and pornography.

    In the longer term demographic trends actually place the U.S. in a relatively strong position. By the end of the first half of the 21st century, the American population aged 15 to 64 – essentially your economically active cohort – are projected to grow by 42%; China’s will shrink by 10%. Comparisons with other competitors are even larger, with the E.U. shrinking by 25%, Korea by 30% and Japan by a remarkable 44%.

    The Japanese experience best illustrates how wrong punditry can be. Back in the 1970s and 1980s it was commonplace for pundits – particularly on the left – to predict Japan’s ascendance into world leadership. At the time distinguished commentators like George Lodge, Lester Thurow and Robert Reich all pointed to Europe and Japan as the nations slated to beat the U.S. on the economic battlefield. “Japan is replacing America as the world’s strongest economic power,” one prominent scholar told a Joint Economic Committee of Congress in 1986. “It is in everyone’s interest that the transition goes smoothly.”

    This was not unusual or even shocking at the time. It followed a grand tradition of declinism that over the past 70 years has declared America ill-suited to compete with everyone from fascist Germany and Italy to the Soviet Union. By the mid-1950s a majority were convinced that we were losing the Cold War. In the 1980s Harvard’s John Kenneth Galbraith thought the Soviet model successful enough that the two systems would eventually “converge.”

    We all know how that convergence worked out. Even the Chinese abandoned the Stalinist economic model so admired by many American intellectuals once Mao was safely a-moldering in his grave. Outside of the European and American academe, the only strong advocates of state socialism can be found in such economic basket cases as Cuba, North Korea and Venezuela.

    So given this history, why the current rise in declinism? Certainly it’s a view many in the wider public share. Most Americans fear their children will not be able to live as well as they have. A plurality think China will be the world’s most powerful country in 20 years.

    To be sure there are some good reasons for pessimism. The huge deficits, high unemployment, our leakage of industry not only to China but other developing countries are all worrisome trends. Yet if the negative case is easier to make, it does not stand historical scrutiny.

    Let’s just go back to what we learned during the “Japan is taking over the world” phase during the 1970s and 1980s. At the time Dai Nippon’s rapid economic expansion was considered inexorable. Yet history is not a straight-line project. Most countries go through phases of expansion and decline. The factors driving success often include a well-conceived economic strategy, an expanding workforce and a sense of national élan.

    In the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s Japan – like China today – possessed all those things. Its bureaucratic state had targeted key industries like automobiles and electronics, and its large, well-educated baby boom population was hitting the workforce. There was an unmistakable sense of pride in the country’s rapid achievements after the devastation of the Second World War.

    Yet even then, as the Economist’s Bill Emmot noted in his 1989 book The Sun Also Sets, things were not so pretty once you looked a little closer. In the mid-1980s I traveled extensively in Japan and, with the help of a young Japanese-American scholar, Yoriko Kishimoto, interviewed demographers and economists who predicted Japan’s eventual decline.

    By then, the rapid drop in Japan’s birthrate and its rapid aging was already clearly predictable. But even more persuasive were hours spent with the new generation of Japanese – the equivalent of America’s Xers – who seemed alienated from the self-abnegating, work-obsessed culture of their parents. By the late 1980s it was clear that the shinjinrui (“the new race”) seemed more interested in design, culture and just having fun than their forebears. They seemed destined not to become another generation of economic samurai.

    At the time though, the very strategies so critical to Japan’s growth – particularly a focus on high-end manufacturing – proved highly susceptible to competitors from lower-cost countries: first Taiwan, Korea and Singapore, and later China, Vietnam and more recently India. Like America and Britain before it, Japan exported its unique genius abroad. Now many companies, including American ones, have narrowed the technological gap with Japan.

    Today Japan, like the E.U., lacks the youthful population needed to recover its mojo. It likely will emerge as a kind of mega-Switzerland, Sweden or Denmark – renowned for its safety and precision. Its workforce will have to be ultra-productive to finance the robots it will need to care for its vast elderly population.

    Will China follow a similar trajectory in the next few decades? Countries infrequently follow precisely the same script as another. Japan was always hemmed in by its position as a small island country with very minimal resources. Its demographic crisis will make things worse. In contrast, China, for the next few decades, certainly won’t suffer a shortage of economically productive workers

    But it could face greater problems. The kind of low-wage manufacturing strategy that has generated China’s success – as occurred with Japan – is already leading to a backlash across much of the world. China’s very girth projects a more terrifying prospect than little Japan. At some point China will either have to locate much of its industrial base closer to its customers, as Japan has done, or lose its markets.

    More important still are massive internal problems. Japan, for all its many imperfections, was and remains a stable, functioning democracy, open to the free flow of information. China is a fundamentally unstable autocracy, led from above, and one that seeks to control information – as evidenced in its conflict with Google – in an age where the free flow of information constitutes an essential part of economic progress.

    China’s social problems will be further exacerbated by a huge, largely ill-educated restive peasant class still living in poverty. Of course America too has many problems – with stunted upward mobility, the skill levels of its workforce, its fiscal situation. But the U.S., as the Japanese scholar Fuji Kamiya once noted, possesses sokojikara, a self-renewing capacity unmatched by any country.

    As we enter the next few decades of the new millennium, I would bet on a more youthful, still resource-rich and democratic America to maintain its preeminence even in a world where economic power continues to shift from its historic home in Europe to Asia.

    This article originally appeared at Forbes.com.

    Joel Kotkin is executive editor of NewGeography.com and is a distinguished presidential fellow in urban futures at Chapman University. He is author of The City: A Global History. His newest book is The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050, released in Febuary, 2010.

  • The Gero-Economy Revs Up

    Green jobs? Great. Gray jobs? Maybe an even better bet for the new jobs bill. If there is a single graphic that everyone concerned with the nation’s future should have tattooed on their eyeballs, my vote goes to the one on your left. Here is its central message:

    Forty years from now, one out of four Americans will be 65 or older.

    Twenty million will be over 85.

    One million will be over 100.

    So far the Big Think on such numbers might be boiled down to a few reasonable conclusions: People will have to work longer and delay retirement. The government should underwrite serial job retraining and promote new kinds of annuity plans. These will boost tax revenue that would help pay the nation’s growing Social Security and Medicare tab. “[It] would constitute a kind of neo-welfare state—a new covenant—that promotes individual responsibility in alliance with the voluntary sector, the market, and government,” observes Robert Butler, the dean of modern gerontology. He calls his package “productive aging.”

    But there is a third rung: incentives to make aging an engine of economic growth. There’s gelt in that there gray! It’s the entire world that’s aging, after all, and that world’s in need of gero-tools, gero-think, gero-innovation. We’ve got it. Let’s sell it – to China, Europe, India.

    I spent some time recently with innovators in this realm. Perhaps the most exciting were those designing new-style senior housing—ranging from high end architects and builders to small time real estate entrepreneurs. They are pursuing ways for the elderly to live more comfortably and safely in their own homes and communities.

    In Palo Alto, one former real estate saleswoman, frustrated with the elder-scary housing stock in that uptown realm, took to providing what turned out to be a popular and profitable service: gero-fitting, or “prostheticizing,” those ultra-modern (and hard-edged) homes with senior-friendly accoutrements: hand bars everywhere in case of a fall, showers and water sources that adjust heat and flow automatically, wheel chair turns in halls and room-by-room phones and computer screens that activate by voice.

    Nursing homes – places where one normally sees neither – are also slowly emerging out from under decades of under-investment and institution-think. Architects and developers from Sweden (one of the fastest aging nations in the world), Japan (the fastest in Asia) and even Italy (one of the most unprepared gero-nations) have been retooling the unfulfilled promise of universal design to come up with new construction methods and new construction materials.

    Yet it’s American builders, with their vast experience and regional flexibility, who stand to be generational leaders in the most profitable arena: building new homes. Where are they?

    Then there is transportation. Cars–and our addiction to them–are perennially painted as villains in elder-world. Yet until they are in their early 80s, aged drivers far outperform their younger counterparts, with fewer injury accidents and fewer tickets. Nevertheless, finding ways to make driving safer and more comfortable suggests another major opportunity: prostheticizing the automobile and making highways less cognitively confusing.

    Here in Los Angeles, the original car capital, one company is using space program sensor technologies to make cars that warn drivers when they are tailgating, when they are weaving, when their off ramp is coming up. Roadways? Someone needs to use our state-of-the-art understanding of cognition to redesign everything from highway signs to lighting. A few farsighted firms are already trying to do so. We need more.

    The aging of the modern stomach could also drive food science to develop new staples that are less glycemic (high blood sugar being one of the biggest sources of chronic inflammation in the elderly) but still tasty and satisfying. And, instead of being peremptorily dismissed, the “anti-aging” medical movement could be scientifically (and systematically) plumbed for real medical advances, tested with gold standard clinical trials, and then sold to the rest of the arthritic world.

    Who, then, will lead? Who will become the Bill Gates of ElderWare, the Al Gore of GeroWarming, the Warren Buffett of AlterAssets?. Right now, we’re still waiting.

    “The boomers are going to have a rougher time in retirement than their parents,” says Robert Butler. “That can mean two things: they can complain about it, or they can retool it for their kids and take advantage of its promise.”

    Greg Critser’s new book is Eternity Soup: Inside the Quest to End Aging (Random/Harmony 2010).