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  • Density, Unpacked: Is Creative Class Theory a Front for Real Estate Greed?

    “The heresy of heresies was common sense”—George Orwell

    The stories we tell affect the lives we lead. I do not mean to be abstract here. I mean, literally, the stories that are told make up a kind of meta-reality that soaks in us to form a “truth”. This “truth” affects policy, which affects investment, which affects bricks and mortar, pocketbooks, and power. Eventually, the “truth” trickles down into a more real reality that defines the lives of the powerless.

    The story du jour in urban policy is one of density. The arc of the story is that cities are places where “ideas come to have sex”. The lovechild is innovation. The mood lighting is creative placemaking.

    The Kama Sutra of density reads this way: creative people cluster in cities that are good at lifestyle manufacturing. The more people that are sardined the higher likelihood there will be “serendipitous” encounters. The more serendipity in a city the better chance the next “big thing” will occur. The next “big thing” will lead to a good start-up, which will lead to an agglomeration of start-ups, termed an “Innovation District”. Detroit becomes Detroit 2.0 then.

    The story of density is a seductive story. Society-making is sobering and full of harsh realities. The story of density is seamless, velvety. It is no wonder the story gets sold, implemented, and then told and re-told, despite the validity and logic of the story being pretty awful.

    Take the recent New York Times piece entitled “What It Takes to Create a Start-up Community”. In it, the writer interviews urbanist Richard Florida. “Population density, [Florida] said, allows for the serendipitous encounters that inspire creativity, innovation and collaboration,” reads one key passage in the piece.

    The story goes on to highlight the emerging tech hub of Boulder as the exemplar of the story of density. One problem: Boulder, a city of less than 100,000, isn’t dense, with a population per square mile of 3,948. The writer moves the goal posts a bit and says the city “is an unusual case of density”, before going on to question whether a start-up community can be created in a city like Detroit that “lacks density”. Yet Detroit, despite being a land mass comprised of one-third vacant land, is denser than Boulder, at 5,144 people per square mile. In all, Aristotle would have a field day with the piece.

    Such illogic peppers the story of density, particularly as it relates to the correlation—to say nothing of the causation—between household clustering and tech growth. For instance, in a recent analysis of America’s top “high tech hot spots” by the Progressive Policy Institute, the top 25 counties experiencing the highest percentage of tech job growth reads like a “Where’s Waldo” list, if Waldo was Thoreau-like. There’s Madison County in Alabama (417 people per sq. mile). Utah County in Utah (258 people per sq. mile). Denton County in Texas (754 people per sq. mile). Fayette County in Kentucky (1,043 people per sq. mile). Snohomish County in Washington (342 people per sq. mile).

    To be fair, also on the list are San Francisco, Boston, and New York. In the case of Boston and San Fran, the tech clustering is a legacy asset—including large venture capital funds — from decades prior, not the result of the story of density. New York, under Mayor Bloomberg, has supposedly gone whole hog on the “idea-sex in the city” script, yet tech is but a speck on the universe that is New York City’s economy.

    For example, Kings County, home to Brooklyn, numbers 25 on the list of places with highest percent of tech job growth, yet Brooklyn’s Job Index—calculated as new tech/information jobs between 2007 and 2012, as a share of 2007 total private sector employment—is just 0.4, meaning the number of new tech jobs in Brooklyn represents less than half a percent of total private employment. Given the information sector as a whole is hemorrhaging jobs according to a recent Harvard Business Review, the scaling of fledgling tech towns is unlikely. This is especially true for cities like New York that—while enriched with the chattering class buzz stoking the story of density—simply lacks the engineering talent of Boston, Silicon Valley, Houston and yes, Detroit , to make the “scene” something than just that: a scene.

    But let’s play along anyway, as that’s the power of the story of density: reality doesn’t bite. So, say Brooklyn can become the next Silicon Valley. This likelihood depends on two assumptions that define the story of density: “cooling” a city will draw top tech talent, and then packing them in to luxury condo towers and mixed use districts will form creativity incubators.

    First, the idea that manufacturing cool spurs a start-up scene is spurious at best. I mean, has this ever worked? Please don’t say Austin, or any number of college towns or state capitals or places with boutique streets that depend largely on transfers from taxpayers — and parents! — to their privileged burgs. Many of these place, like Austin and Raleigh, are themselves far from dense urban nodes, but are exceptionally spread out.

    What about Boulder? In the piece “How Boulder Grew Into a Hub for Start-Ups”, the writer questions venture capitalist Brad Feld, a huge player in the Boulder tech scene, about what brings entrepreneurs to communities like Boulder. Feld throws his hands in the air:

    “People want to live where they want to live. You should figure out where you want to be and build a life around it. Different geographies attract different people.”

    Why did Feld move to Boulder?

    Actually, I moved here in 1995 because Amy said "I’m moving to Boulder – you can come with me if you want." And I did.

    There are things that do appeal to innovators, however. Affordability is an appeal, so says a recent survey of London techies who are decamping from the capital, if only because outrageous rents prevent a “start-up” of anything.

    Over in Berlin, the tech scene is struggling despite the “Berlin geek chic” culture that unfolded. The city’s tech leaders think Berlin needs to be more conventional than cool. “[T]he jury is still out on whether [Berlin’s] a great place to truly grow that company into a mature startup," notes Marc Strigel, head of SoundCloud. "Both the authorities and startups could do much more in promoting Berlin for families, for these world-class talents we definitely need."

    The second assumption relates to the idea that sardining people will ultimately lead to serendipity and innovation. I smell underpants gnomes. Specifically, in an episode of South Park, creators Trey Parker and Matt Stone expose the blind loyalty attached to the façade of “expertise”. The episode goes like this: the characters need a presentation for class. One of the boys talks about a group of gnomes that inexplicably sneak into his house to steal underpants. There’s got to be a reason, right? They confront the gnomes who, claiming to be business experts, explain their business plan as thus: Step 1: Collect Underpants. Step 2: ?. Step 3: Profit.

    The story of density has the same logic gap. Step 1: Population density. Step 2: ?. Step 3: Innovation. Density gurus will claim Step 2 relates to serendipity. But serendipity is chance. How do you plan for chance? Even if you could, creative classification is largely a process of homogenization by class, age, and profession, which, according Rita King of Science House, erodes the possibility of meaningful chance encounters. “Artists bumping into other artists or business people bumping into other business people or Mormons bumping into other Mormons, etc., isn’t real serendipity,” notes King. San Francisco in many ways is more a monoculture than the highly diverse suburbs that surround it.

    Okay, so if the story of density really isn’t about innovation then what is it about? The answer can be found in a recent article entitled “Urban Prophet” in the real estate trade mag Property Week. The piece quotes Albert Ratner, chairman of US real estate firm Forest City Enterprises, on his reading of Florida’s The Rise of the Creative Classes, the first book in the story of density. “You have given real estate developers the playbook,” notes Ratner.

    Put simply, the point of sardining is to make as much money as possible for those who already  have the most . This is the raw truth that fuels the hype, and of course pays for it as well. But it’s a tough sell to neighborhoods and cities increasingly experiencing the negative effects of real estate wealth jamming, and more broadly wealth inequality. Enter the story of density to make another “truth”.

    In reality, the story of density is a fiction and it’s high time we start rewriting the book.

    Richey Piiparinen is a writer and policy researcher based in Cleveland. He is co-editor of Rust Belt Chic: The Cleveland Anthology. Read more from him at his blog and at Rust Belt Chic.

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  • L.A. Ports Face Challenge from Gulf Coast

    In this strange era of self-congratulation in California, it may be seen as poor manners to point out tectonic shifts that could leave the state and, particularly, Southern California, more economically constrained and ever more dependent on asset bubbles, such as in real estate. One of the most important changes on the horizon is the shift of economic power and influence away from the Pacific Coast to the Gulf Coast – the Third Coast – a process hastened by the imminent widening of the Panama Canal. Over time, this could represent a formidable challenge to our status as a critical global region.

    It is easy to live in Southern California – particularly in the more-affluent, coastal sections or the middle-class inland valleys – and hardly know how critical international trade is to our regional economy. Invisible to denizens of Malibu or Newport Beach, the ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles together account for almost 40 percent of U.S. container imports. Along with Hollywood, and our climate, it represents arguably the region’s greatest asset.

    Overall, the ports are the critical linchpin of the roughly 500,000 jobs tied to logistics, warehousing and trade services. These jobs, notes economist John Husing, provide a wide range of generally higher-paying blue-collar employment compared with, for example, hospitality or retail. This is critical in a region with a large undereducated, but motivated, workforce.

    Southern California’s emergence as the nation’s largest trading center has been unlikely, tied more to ingenuity and ambition than natural geography. Unlike its West Coast rivals – San Diego, Seattle and, most particularly, San Francisco – the Los Angeles region does not boast a great natural harbor. Its construction, starting in the early decades of the previous century, was completely man-made and conceived.

    By the 1980s, sparked by a shift of trade from Europe to Asia, the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach started to overtake, in merchandise trade value, New York, which had dominated U.S. trade since the first decades of the 19th century. Along with trade came business connections, direct air travel and a surge of Asian immigration. Today, Los Angeles, with roughly 1.5 million Asians, ranks first among America’s counties for Asian population, while Orange County, with more than 530,000 Asian residents, ranks third, just behind the Santa Clara-Silicon Valley region.

    Wider canal coming

    These advantages, human as well as geographic, are critical to the region’s global status. But this could change, in part due to the expansion of the Panama Canal – set for completion in late 2014 or in 2015 – which will open to Asian businesses the opportunity to send megaships directly to the Gulf Coast or the Southeast.

    “Trade will shift,” predicts Khalid Bachkar, a professor at the California Maritime Academy.

    There are other challengers to our supremacy, including port expansions in both Western Canada and Mexico that could offer newer facilities and rail connections directly within their own countries and the vast U.S. market. But the greatest challenge seems likely to come from the Gulf, which offers excellent access to trains that carry goods directly to the vast majority of the United States.

    Demographic trends will also play a role. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Pacific Coast seemed like the premier growth market, but high housing prices, taxes and regulatory restraints – and, most importantly, outmigration – have slowed regional business growth.

    In the next four years, notes Pitney Bowes, Houston is expected to have the largest household growth in the country: some 140,000 people, an increase by 6.7 percent. Most of the other fast-growth regions in the nation – Dallas-Fort Worth, Austin, Texas, Raleigh-Cary, N.C., San Antonio, Jacksonville, Fla., and Charlotte, N.C. – are located either along the Gulf or are natural markets for their ports.

    In contrast, Los Angeles is projected to grow by only 1.5 percent and Orange County by less than 2 percent the next four years.

    Critically, the Gulf is, for the first time, attracting a critical mass of Asians. Over the past decade, Houston has enjoyed some of the nation’s fastest growth in Asian population, up some 70 percent, and its Asian community is now the eighth-largest in the country. Houston’s Asian population is now growing three times as rapidly as that of the San Francisco or Los Angeles areas.

    Energy exports

    At the same time, the expansion of oil and natural gas production in Louisiana, Texas and the Plains makes the Gulf ports major players in the emergence of the U.S. as an energy exporter. The Gulf Coast also is home to many of the nation’s largest industrial investments, including from overseas. The Port of Houston, for example, posted a 28.1 percent jump in foreign trade in 2012, and trade at reached records levels at the Port of New Orleans (I work as a consultant in that city).

    Agriculture has also been on a roll in terms of exports, and 50 percent of the nation’s grain shipments through Louisiana ports. Combined with rising energy and industrial growth, the Third Coast now claims a growing share of U.S. trade. Since 2003, the value of exports from the Gulf ports has more than tripled; the region’s share of U.S. exports over that period grew from roughly 10 to nearly 16 percent.

    Once an industrial backwater, the Gulf region has attracted new steel plants, petrochemical plants and facilities involved in everything from airplanes to food processing. All these locations export such items as cars and chemicals, and all import goods, such as car parts and iron ore. According to Site Selection magazine, the Gulf includes four of the top 12 states – led by No. 1 Texas, No. 7 Louisiana, No. 10 Florida and No. 12 Alabama – in attractiveness to investors. Texas and Louisiana ranked first and third among the states for new plants.

    Standing pat

    Ultimately, this is a challenge that our region cannot afford to ignore, particularly with completion of the Panama Canal expansion in as soon as roughly a year. In anticipation, ports along the Gulf, as well as in the Southeast, are almost all improving and expanding their ports. In contrast, Southern California ports – largely because of labor and environmental concerns – may be slow to make the “intense capital improvements,” such as dredging and new road connections. This largely results from environmental pressures that, notes economist Husing, are not nearly as powerful along the Gulf or in the Southeast. A history of labor disputes by highly paid, politically powerful California port workers also has reinforced the notion that the L.A. area ports are becoming an increasingly unreliable place to do business.

    The Third Coast is also positioned to benefit from commerce with Latin America, the Gulf’s historic leading trade partner. Latin America, notes Bill Gilmer, has been home to many of the world’s fastest-growing economies. Since 2002, about 56 million people in Latin America,according to the World Bank, have risen out of poverty.

    Trade with these partners – including Mexico – are ramping up growth in Houston, as well as other Gulf ports. Brazil, notes Jimmy Lyons, has risen to become a trading partner of Mobile, Ala. Strong Latin immigration to virtually all the Gulf cities, particularly Houston and, increasingly, New Orleans, can only strengthen these economic ties.

    Southern California, with its vast Hispanic population and proximity to Mexico, also should be able to serve as a hub for this trade, but this can only happen if the region attaches greater priority to port development. Historically, this region was built by people taking risks on big infrastructure – covering everything from the water delivery systems to the port and freeways – that literally paved the way to economic progress, and growth.

    The key question now is: Do we still have the spirit and willingness to build, as our competitors are on the Third Coast, the Southeast, Mexico and Canada. If we fail to meet the challenge, Southern California could surrender desperately needed potential sources of new employment and a critical linchpin to our continuing status as one of the world’s great global centers.

    This story originally appeared at the Orange County Register.

    Joel Kotkin is executive editor of NewGeography.com and Distinguished Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University, and a member of the editorial board of the Orange County Register. He is author of The City: A Global History and The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050. His most recent study, The Rise of Postfamilialism, has been widely discussed and distributed internationally. He lives in Los Angeles, CA.

    Port of Los Angeles photo courtesy of NOAA’s National Ocean Service.

  • The Dutch Rethink the Welfare State

    When the Netherlands’ newly coronated king made his first annual appearance before parliament, he turned some heads when he addressed the deficiencies of the Dutch welfare state.   “Due to social developments such as globalisation and an ageing population, our labour market and public services are no longer suited to the demands of the times”, the king said in a speech written by Liberal prime minister Mark Ruttes cabinet. “The classical welfare state is slowly but surely evolving into a ‘participation society’”, Willem-Alexander continued. By this he meant that the public systems should start encouraging self-reliance over government dependency.

    It is worthwhile to reflect on the challenges faced by the Dutch welfare system. In a knowledge based economy, influenced by strong global competition and dynamic economic development, public policy must encourage thrift, education and build-up of social capital. Discouragingly high taxes and encouragingly high benefits are no way of doing so. Such policies are therefore likely to become even greater obstacles to social and economic development as they are today.

    Concern over the welfare state is not new in the Netherlands. 

    During the beginning of the 1980s the Netherlands ranked as a top spender in terms of welfare policy. Whilst the US and the UK allocated some 22 and 27 percent respectively of GDP to welfare spending, the Netherlands spent fully 40 percent – the same level as the famously generous Swedish public system.  But since then the pattern has been to reduce the welfare state. Indeed as most OECD-countries public spending rose significantly from the 1980s a  report from the OECD notes that the Netherlands, alongside Ireland, gradually scaled theirs down. A combination of economic growth, tightening of welfare state generosity and privatization of sick-pay led to a decline in public social spending in these two countries. In 1980 public social spending was 25 percent of GDP in the Netherlands, much higher than the OECD-average of 16 percent.

    In the beginning of the 2000s the average OECD-country had expanded its welfare state, so that public social expenditure had reached 21 percent of GDP – whilst the Netherlands had reduced its share to the same level. According to another study, benefit expenditure was reduced from 27 to 22 percent of GDP in the Netherland between 1980 and 2001, compared to the EU15 average which rose from 21 to 24 percent during the same period.

    Although the Netherlands does not lie in Scandinavia, there are significant similarities between this advanced European nation and the Nordic countries. The similarities go beyond the fact that the Dutch are tall and blond, and live in a small trade-dependent nation. Shared cultural traits and political beliefs can explain why the Dutch adapted similar welfare policies as the Nordic nations. Similarly to as in Denmark and Sweden, the Netherlands has with time reformed its system, for example by introducing legislation which increases employer’s responsibility for the provision of sickness benefits. In some ways the Dutch have been even keener to reform than the Nordic countries.

    Privatisation of social security and a shift from welfare to workfare have been coupled with the introduction of elaborate markets in the provision of health care and social protection. Not only other European welfare states, but in some regards even the US, can learn much from the Dutch policies of combining a universally compulsory Social health insurance scheme with market mechanisms. Netherlands has, similarly to Denmark, moved towards a “flexicurity” system where labour market regulations have been significantly liberalized within the frame of the welfare system. Taxes in the country peaked at 46 percent of GDP in the late 1980s, but have since fallen to ca. 38-39 percent. The Netherlands has moved from being a country with a large to a medium-sized welfare system, something that still cannot yet be said about culturally and politically similar Sweden and Denmark. The Dutch seem to have been earlier than their Nordic cousins in realizing that overly generous welfare systems and high taxes led to not only sluggish economic growth, but also exclusion of large groups from the labour market. 

    Societal challenges are not difficult to find in the Netherlands, at least not if we look at the difficulty to integrate foreign-born individuals and those with low skills. These problems are shared with other European welfare models, not least the Scandinavian ones. However, the Netherlands overall continues to rank highly  in terms of societal measures such as good school results, high life expectancy, strong civic participation and high life satisfaction. Reforming the welfare state to a smaller size, and introducing more market mechanism within the system, have clearly not lead to a social disaster as some would like to believe.

    The Dutch continue to support the welfare society. This does however not mean supporting an overly generous “cradle to grave” system, with demands that everybody have similar living standard regardless of their individual achievements. As shown in the book “Contested Welfare States: Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond”, Netherlands ranks at second place, following closely after Switzerland, in having the most limited support for the idea that government should be responsible for peoples’ life prospects. A likely reason is that whilst the Dutch are in favor of welfare policies in general, they believe in fostering individual responsibility within the system. The “participation society” that the Dutch king recently spoke about has thus already gained ground.

    There is a strong case to be made that the Dutch can benefit in going further in reducing the size of the state, introducing market reforms and liberalizing the labour market. Such changes would indeed be in line with OECD recommendation. Recently even the IMF recommended the nation to continue structural reforms to enhance growth potential. In addition, considerable savings seem to be possible in the Dutch welfare state, in areas such as health care and education. Luckily, the country can rely on previous positive experience with reforms.

    There is a good chance that the Netherlands will continue on a long-term route towards smaller government and greater prosperity. This does not mean abandoning the idea of public welfare for its citizens but focusing more on enabling people to take care of themselves. The positive experience of past changes, coupled with the realization that change is needed, can catalyze change. If change indeed happens, it will likely not occur over-night. Continuous small steps towards change are more likely. The direction of European nations such as the Netherlands might not excite a US audience, but perhaps there is a lesson to be learned about the value of pragmatic and steady reforms? 

    Dr. Nima Sanandaji has written several books and reports in Sweden, Finland and the UK about subjects such as urban development, entrepreneurship and women’s career opportunities.

  • Is America Flying Europe’s Flag?

    Consider the recent government shutdown as a disagreement about how much influence Europe should have on the continuing American revolution. Who would have predicted that, more than 237 years after the United States threw off the English yoke, disagreement over European approaches to life and government would be strong enough to shutter the democratic experiment, or downgrade the nation’s credit? And yet, Congress is divided, as it was in 1797, between Royalist Republicans and Jacobin Democrats, arguing about which model of government best suits the young and restless American republic.

    Never far from the lips of Tea Party stalwarts is the accusation that the Obama administration is bent on importing European socialism to the fair shores of free enterprise.

    The Republican right sees supporters of the health care act, immigration reform, and deficit spending as the equivalents of English levelers, idle Greek pensioners or French syndicalists. They fear that as these ideas anchor in the lee of the Statue of Liberty, it will perhaps soon be rededicated as Our Lady of Communal Redistribution, Occupational Safety, and Bureaucratic Oversight.

    Democrats, too, have fears inspired by their transatlantic neighbors. Many believe that only additional legislation can keep the United States from turning into another constitutional European monarchy, rife with income inequality, sweetheart tax breaks for the aristocracy, and enough gated suburban Downton Abbeys to impress even the noble lordships on Fox & Friends.

    I spend much of my time shuttling between Europe and the US, and thought it might be useful to see if there is any rationality in the fear that the Monroe Doctrine might no longer be strong enough to hold off creeping European influence. Here’s a short, idiosyncratic list, not at all definitive, of a few of the divisions between the continents:

    Store Hours: In many European countries, shops are closed whenever management has the sense that someone might want to buy something. In Italy and in parts of France it is not uncommon to find restaurants that close for lunch, and few establishments in Europe are open between Saturday afternoon and Monday lunchtime. In the US, AM/PM and 24/7 set the retail bar.

    Vacations: Europeans live for them. They take time off for Christmas, New Year’s, Easter, and a raft of saint days, not to mention their entitled four weeks of work leave and the occasional long weekend or bank holiday. By contrast, Americans fear time off from work more than they fear trade unions or, well, family vacations.

    Political parties: In the US, third or independent parties hint at irredentist change. In Europe, most countries have dozens of political parties, from communists, socialists, and greens on the left to near fascists on the right. Nevertheless, neither multiparty Europe nor two-party America can escape parliamentary paralysis, in part because both are dealing from insolvent decks.

    Suburbanization: Around many European cities suburbs have never taken root, and it is not unusual for the last stop on the metro (as in Munich or Geneva) to leave passengers in the wild. In the US, major cities have the qualities of a sprawling suburb, where cars are needed to shop or get to school. Even Spanish Harlem now has a Target.

    Churches: Except for the spread of Islam in countries like the United Kingdom and France, organized religion is on the wane in Europe. I bike a lot in France, and pass dozens of shuttered churches that appear to have neither a congregation nor a priest. Italians love the papacy a lot more than they do morning mass. In the US, however, many new churches need lots for overflow parking.

    Religion: Americans have married their love of promotion, organization, and public faith to create all sorts of new sects and churches, and with them religious academies, summer camps, bible study groups, cable channels, and ecclesiastical conferences. In Europe, the established religions — Protestant, Catholic, Orthodox, and Judaism — hold the most sway; the only holy rollers are Bentleys.

    Television: In America, the village square is its community of television programs, which have now wormed their presence into portable handsets. There, gossip, information, advertisements and entertainment are shared at all hours. In England, France, and Germany — to name a few — the daily newspaper remains competitive.

    Lunch: In the US — as Gordon Gekko says in Wall Street — the business lunch is for wimps, while in Europe you still count yourself lucky if the noontime meal lasts less two hours.

    Dinner: Americans take their suppers (standing up) with Coke Zero in front of the TV, while Europeans take their evening meals (seated) in the company of wine.

    Getting Around: Usually I drive more on a two week trip to the States than I do all year in Europe, which has buses, trains, and bike lanes across most countries and cities. In Switzerland I often go to a small mountain village where 36 trains stop daily at its tiny station. For comparison, the city of Houston has two trains a day.

    Militarism: Save for the British hanging on to their lancer regiments, Europe’s armies are home guards and dads’ armies. The US, meanwhile, is dispatching aircraft carriers to the seven seas and branding its navy (at least on Monday Night Football commercials) as “a global force for good.”

    Adultery: The French may still disconnect their cell phones between the hours of five and seven PM (“cinq à sept,” as the phrase has it), but an extramarital affair will never cost anyone a job or political office. Even the lascivious French politician Dominique Strauss-Kahn is plotting his comeback. In the US, adultery is a bigger barrier to political office than foreign birth.

    Sex: In the US it is welcome as a sales agent — Mad Men Über Alles — but somewhat less forgiven when it mixes with politics. If only Anthony Weiner had the good sense to confine his online dalliances to a reality show (The Onanist?), he would be accepting an Emmy Award for best actor. Because he chose the stage of politics, he was seen as Pee-wee Herman running for mayor from the back of a virtual theater.

    Marriage: Americans marry to have children. Europeans have children so that later they can get married.

    Education: Most European universities, except for those in the UK, are free, provided you can make the grades. In the US, acceptance and graduation rates are more a function of capital allocation. Americans choose their aristocracy from privately-funded academies — costs at many four-year colleges are approaching $250,000 — while Europe prefers a meritocracy that combines public universities blended with a fading aristocracy.

    Healthcare: Although many Americans think all medicine in Europe is socialized, few countries have the equivalent of Britain’s National Health Service. Obamacare most closely resembles the Swiss system, which requires all citizens to buy health insurance from private companies, although in Switzerland deductibles are so high (to reduce premium prices) that most families never see a dime back from their insurance payments, unless they are dragged by a truck.

    Transatlantic Balance Sheet: I would say that the US fosters more inventive thinking, creative entrepreneurs and capital markets. And it is always open for business (including on Christmas).

    Europe has better public schools, infrastructure, railroad networks, and work-life equations. Of course, it has many drawbacks. No continent can fight wars for four hundred years or have an Iron Curtain down its middle and not have residual side affects, notably unresolved ethnic conflicts and crammed cemeteries.

    But the next time you have to work through lunch or vacation, ask yourself if you would rather be weathering the economic crisis in Detroit, or on a Mediterranean beach.

    Flickr photo: Brussels, by Eszter Hargittai

    Matthew Stevenson, a contributing editor of Harper’s Magazine, is the author of Remembering the Twentieth Century Limited, a collection of historical travel essays. His new book, Whistle-Stopping America, was recently published.

  • Emily Brown Stories

  • To Rebuild, the Midwest Must Face Its Real and Severe Problems

    Despite well-publicized problems that earned it the nickname of the “Rust Belt”, on paper the Midwest possesses some formidable strengths. These include the largest concentration of engineers in America, world class educational institutions, a plethora of headquarters of global champions ranging from Proctor and Gamble to Caterpillar to the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, the world’s greatest reserves of fresh water, and an expanding immigrant population.

    Yet with limited exceptions, these have been around for a while, but haven’t produced much growth across the region. Instead, outside of an archipelago of successful outliers (mostly select parts of major metros or college towns), the region has seen its population, job, and income growth badly trail the nation.  During the 2000s US population grew by 9.7%, the Midwest* 3.8%. For jobs, the US lost 1.5% but the Midwest 7.8%.

    Reversing this requires not just leveraging strengths and building on assets, but facing the very real and severe structural challenges that plague the region. However, most of the strategies out there remain outside the region’s essential DNA:

    • Economic clusters like high tech startups or water industries are in effect attempts to build new success enclaves outside the system.
    • Rebuilding downtowns into urban playgrounds for the upscale often takes place against a backdrop of vacant lots, abandoned structures, and depopulation – in other words, empty space.
    • The Rust Belt Chic movement suggests that many of the problems are actually the solution.  But while there are intriguing and important elements to this, it bypasses core issues.

    These are all good as far as they go, but they require little broad-based reform (as opposed to district or enclave based solutions) to structural problems and thus are limited in what they can achieve.

    What are these structural problems? Among the key ones are:

    1. Racism. The modern history of Midwest cities is enmeshed in the history of race relations, particularly between black and white. Places like Chicago and Milwaukee remain among the absolutely most segregated in America. Race riots have been defining feature of cities ranging from Detroit to Cincinnati (which had a race-influenced riot as recently as 2001). In all of these places, a large population of black residents live in segregated neighborhoods plagued with problems ranging from poor schools to low quality housing to a lack of jobs.  Significant social distress has resulted. 

    There are signs the Great Migration that brought blacks north in search of factory work is reversing, with black residents actually seeing more welcoming environments and better economic opportunities in Southern metro areas like Atlanta, Houston, and Charlotte. As well, historically it’s been the more ambitious who leave, not such a good thing for the people and places left behind.

    2. Corruption.  Midwest cities ranging from Chicago to Detroit to Cleveland are famous as cesspools of corruption and cronyism. Systems like Chicago’s “aldermanic privilege” tradition that gives city council members almost dictatorial control over their districts produce environments of almost required tacit corruption even if no laws are violated. In other cities, it’s well known that your approvals will go much faster if you hire the right wired-up subcontractors, lawyers, or lobbyists. While this type of environment exists at some level everywhere, it’s very bad in many Midwest cities and badly degrades an already challenged business climate.

    3. Closed Societies. Contrary to the assertions of Robert Putnam and Bowling Alone, a lot of Midwest places suffer from an excess of social capital. As Sean Safford noted in Why the Garden Club Couldn’t Save Youngstown, excessively dense social networks can create a hermetically sealed environment into which new ideas can’t penetrate or get a hearing.  There are many reports of newcomers to Midwest cities saying that they have difficult making friends and penetrating the social networks in places as diverse as Minneapolis and Cleveland. In Cincinnati and St. Louis expect that the first question you’ll be asked is “Where did you go to high school?” which tells you everything you need to know about those cities.  Immigration has ticked up in recent years, but overall the Midwest has done a poor job of attracting outsiders.

    4. Two-Tier Environment and Resulting Paralysis.  Despite the plethora of high end companies, educated workers, and top quality universities, the Midwest economy was traditionally based on moderately skilled labor in agriculture and industry. This forged a work force that places too low value on education and which can even be suspicious of people with too much of it. Today’s agriculture and manufacturing concerns, at least the ones with jobs that pay more than subsistence wages, require much higher levels of skills and education than in the past. What’s more, with the global macro-economy favorable to larger cities and talent based industries, larger metros have comparatively done well while most smaller towns have struggled. As a result, their quality of life and services have so badly degraded they are no longer attractive to “discretionary residents” (those with the means and opportunity to leave), which perpetuates a downward spiral as the educated flock to bigger cities. That’s why manufacturers complain they can’t find workers with skills, even if those skills are just passing and drug test and showing up to work everyday. This produces massive inequities, resentment, and policy confusion. What’s more, realistically many very poorly performing communities may never recover.

    Beyond these core issues, many places have aging infrastructure, massive blight issues, a regulatory environment not suited to the 21st century, and severe fiscal problems. All of these are extremely difficult problems to resolve, but that does not mean they don’t need to be faced, and overcome.

    Unsurprisingly, the Midwest has not been a particularly competitive region.  There will continue to be bright spots ranging Des Moines to Madison to the greater Chicago Loop to the fracking fields of western Pennsylvania, but until the region faces up to its problems don’t expect a major turnaround anytime soon.

    Aaron M. Renn is an independent writer on urban affairs and the founder of Telestrian, a data analysis and mapping tool. He writes at The Urbanophile.

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  • New Report: Enterprising Cities – A Force for American Prosperity

    The inaugural edition of Enterprising Cities: A Force for Prosperity that was recently released examines best practices in municipalities taking proactive measures to support job creation and economic growth together with the private sector. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation’s Enterprising States and Cities program takes an in-depth look at the policies and programs being implemented to promote economic growth at the state and local levels.

    The cities highlighted in the Enterprising Cities report—Dayton, OH, Irving, TX, Memphis, TN, Minneapolis, MN, Salt Lake City, UT, San Antonio, TX, Sioux Falls, SD—each, in their own unique way, are examples of how enterprise-friendly leadership, strategies, and partnerships can be put into action to achieve meaningful results.

    Cities, both large and small, play a pivotal role as drivers of America’s economy by creating and sustaining the local ecosystem for innovation, competitiveness, and productivity through enterprise-friendly policies that create jobs, enhance economic development, and build prosperity. Pragmatic leaders at the city level can often take on the issues that Washington will not, or cannot, solve. Enterprise-friendly policies at the city level can indeed facilitate local economic growth by supporting entrepreneurs and mobilizing effective partnerships for improving the conditions for business and job growth. Working together with businesses, city leaders can bolster expansion into national markets and exports to reach global markets.

    City policies and practices that will help strengthen our free enterprise system—the system that has served as the foundation of America’s prosperity and the only system capable of creating the jobs we need for the long haul—are those that do the following:

    • Allow businesses to grow and thrive.
    • Free businesses from excessive taxes, unnecessary regulations, and onerous local government processes.
    • Focus government on the critical tasks that are the foundation of economic opportunity, such as infrastructure and protective services.
    • Help educate, cultivate, and equip the next generation of young entrepreneurs and the workforce of the future.

    Enterprising cities use policy inputs, well-designed community programs, and economic development best practices to create an environment where free enterprise creates jobs and prosperity. Economic prosperity creates fiscally sustainable local governments capable of supporting the infrastructure and workforce that free enterprise needs. 

    Is your city an enterprising city? The 2013 Enterprising Cities were selected based upon their approach to local governance, fiscal management, and program deployment. You can use the criteria upon which these seven cities were selected to assess your own city. 

    • Explicit involvement of the local business community, citizens, and local education institutions.
    • A sound approach to fiscal management and the deployment of government services, often based upon private sector best practices.
    • Strong leadership, communication, and cooperation from the mayor, chamber of commerce, or other civic entities.
    • A focus on metrics to measure outcomes.
    • Open communication between local residents and city leaders, and strong city response to citizen input.
    • Evidence of a plan of action or community strategy carried out by multiple public and private partners.
    • Recognition that local business activity drives the economy, providing the fiscal stability that allows local governments to focus on the safety, education, and infrastructure that the private sector needs to thrive.   

    Praxis Strategy Group is an economic research, policy, strategy and development company.  Praxis and its partner Joel Kotkin conducted the Enterprising Cities study and the four annual Enterprising States studies for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation.

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