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  • Road Decay

    These days, you’ll have to get your kicks on Interstate 44.

    US Route 66 – that road of legend and lore – exists mostly as a memory. Only in Oklahoma is the number posted intermittently along a road parallel to the interstate.

    Now I’m not especially sentimental, and I’m a generation too young to have really gotten into the Route 66 shtick. As the older folks pass away, Route 66 will decay entirely.

    There is something evocative about highways in this country. In the original incarnation, highways had names. Terre Haute, IN, for example, sat at the intersection of The National Road and the Dixie Bee Highway – or at least did until the federal government assigned numbers back in the 1920s. Now it’s at the junction of US Routes 40 & 41.

    Still, it doesn’t take much tradition for numbers to be almost as meaningful as names. The words “101” and “Pacific Coast Highway” are interchangeable. Florida’s wonderfully-numbered “A1A” is a fantastic drive. And what truck driver doesn’t know that Interstate 80 goes from the George Washington Bridge to the San Francisco Bay Bridge?

    A great road trip is to pick an appropriate highway and just follow it across the country. I did that with US 2, which runs from Michigan to Washington State along the Canadian border. I started at Duluth and headed west, through North Dakota, Glacier National Park, and into Washington State. I also once drove US 20 from Chicago all the way out to Oregon, via the Grand Tetons. These roads are healthy, being great tourist routes unaffected by interstates.

    A road I would love to drive is US 52 – surely one of the oddest routes in the country. It starts in Charleston, SC, and heads due north(!) into North Carolina and Virginia, and on into West Virginia. There it parallels the Kentucky border to Huntington, where it crosses the Ohio River.

    Then heading west along the river to Cincinnati, and hence to Indianapolis, it becomes the major road to Lafayette. Skirting the southern Chicago suburbs through Joliet, it crosses the Mississippi River at Savanna, IL. Onwards to Dubuque, Rochester, MN and Minneapolis.

    Then it gets boring, sharing I-94 all the way through Fargo, and further west to Jamestown, ND. There it finally leaves the interstate and is the main road northwest to Minot. It continues northwest along the Des Lacs river, and finally ends at the Saskatchewan border at Portal, ND.

    From South Carolina to North Dakota! Did somebody have a sense of humor? Or just a very fertile imagination? US 52 doesn’t follow any logical migration path, trade route, or compass direction. It’s useless for commerce – but it’s a fantastic tourist road. I’ll drive it myself someday (though not along the interstate: Minnesota needs to separate it from I-94).

    A less happy example is US 40, previously known as The National Road that once extended from Washington, DC, to San Francisco. Today it goes from Baltimore to (almost) Salt Lake City, the interstate having displaced it west of there. But that’s not the worst of it. For much of the route in Indiana and Illinois, traffic has mostly been diverted onto I-70. Many Illinois towns – Marshall, Casey, Greenup, and even the former state capital, Vandalia – were once bustling stops along US 40. Today they are nearly ghost towns. US 40 has become a little country road with very little traffic – pretty, but somehow depressing.

    An exception is Effingham, at the junction of US Routes 40 & 45. Of course that’s not important: it is also where I-57 and I-70 meet. For about six miles around town they share the same road. This is Truck Stop Alley, and travelers of a certain age will remember the now defunct Dixie Trucker’s Home. Effingham (when I was last there in 2007) is a thriving little place.

    US 40 – at least in Illinois – exists in name only, which I guess is an improvement over US 66.

    The US highway system has faded in large part because of the interstates. When first built, the interstate highway system seemed very rational. Major N-S routes were 5, 15, 25, 35, 55, 65, 75, and 95. E-W roads were 10, 20, 40, 70, 80, 90, and 94. In those days I could have drawn a free-hand map of all major interstate highways.

    The real I-80 went to San Francisco, but they built a spur from Salt Lake City to Portland, OR, calling it I-80N, and Portland was proud to be on I-80. Of course it made no sense, and at some point the road was renumbered as I-84.

    Then they built a route around New York City, from Scranton to Boston – also I-84. And let’s not forget I-86 that extends for about 50 miles in Idaho. Or I-82 in Washington State. Or I-39 from Bloomington, IL, to Wausau, WI – not to be confused with I-43 from Beloit to Green Bay, WI. And then there’s I-99, a monument to pork in Pennsylvania, and I-88 in Illinois.

    You get the idea: whatever logic lies behind the interstate numbering system has descended into chaos. Nobody can keep track of this anymore. I blame most of this on federal highway rules, more lenient speed limits on roads with interstate designation, and further, federal tax dollars to help build interstate highways. But this has perverse consequences.

    Consider State Route 17. Mostly I mean New York State 17, but the road extended with the same number from near Erie, PA to Kearney, NJ. In New York it is known as the Southern Tier Expressway.

    This is another great tourist route: the wine country along the Lake Erie shore, across Lake Chautauqua near the Chautauqua Institution, around Allegany State Park, through wild Cattaraugus and Allegany counties, past Elmira, birthplace of Mark Twain, the Corning Glass plant, the Woodstock Concert site, the Hudson Highlands, and that beautiful shopping mall: the Garden State Plaza. It’s all been known as Route 17 for generations.

    No more.

    From Erie to Binghamton it’s now designated I-86 – same as that little blip of a road in Idaho.

    Were I Federal Geography Czar, I’d restore Route 17. And more: I’d push it through the Holland Tunnel and the Brooklyn-Battery Tunnel, and then replace current NYS 27 all the way out to Montauk, at the eastern tip of Long Island. Now THAT would be a road worth driving.

    Daniel Jelski is Dean of Science & Engineering State University of New York at New Paltz.

  • NFL Rules: Game Plan for America?

    In 1905, after he had taken on the trusts, President Theodore Roosevelt turned his attention to more serious matters and convened a White House summit on the vital of issue of…well yes…um…football.

    That season had seen the death of eighteen players, and Teddy knew that it was time to act decisively.

    He and his peace council, which included a number of college presidents, decided that America could not face the political future unless a first down was ten, not five yards and the forward pass was given a presidential blessing. Until that time, most of the game was on the ground.

    In the years after the football summit, women were given the vote, prosperity reigned for much of the century, and neither fascists, communists, nor even radical Muslims have ever challenged the inalienable American right to the forward pass.

    In trade terms, this is known as a competitive advantage, one of the few we have over the Chinese, so now might be the time to take another look at the winter game. (Hey, Hu Jintao, you want the NFL? Go to the NFL.)

    In the wake of renewed violence in Iraq, escalation in Afghanistan, potential failure in Copenhagen, and the costs of health care reform, I did what I always do in moments of national crisis, and watched another football game, although to be clear it was with the idea that with a few Rooseveltian rule changes America might yet move up in world standings.

    I probably spend a little more time than I should thinking about and watching professional football, but it’s only because my devotion to the New York Jets is in the national interest. (What’s your excuse on Sunday afternoons?)

    Leaving aside that the Jets are in the fortieth year of their rebuilding program, I can’t escape the feeling that making professional football more freewheeling would make America a little more confident and spontaneous.

    Take the decision on Afghanistan. If the Afghan policy had been made by Marshall, Randy, Brent, Coach Cowher, Deion, John, Steve, Dan, Shannon, Herm, Phil, or Jaws, at least we would have some good diagrams, lots of reruns, and maybe even a booth review. Instead we ended up with a game plan that feels like a Hail Mary dreamed up by the offensive coordinator of the Detroit Lions.

    As an adjunct to the advertising industry, professional football is a wonderful product. It can build excitement for just about any game. (“Stay tuned. Can Kansas City turn its season around with a win in Tampa Bay?”) It has figured out how to stretch the last two minutes of each half into a long weekend, and it has elevated instant replay to an instrument worthy of the Supreme Court.

    But as a sport, let’s face it, and as much as I love it, football is more and more coming to resemble professional wrestling. The sack dance after a simple tackle? Those burlesque 400-pounders taking it to the house? The obsession with brooding dandies like T.O and Ochocinco? Is it any wonder that the Muslim world talks a lot of trash?

    Are politics much better? We have trillion dollar deficits, undeclared wars, a Congress that more and more resembles the Raider Nation, and no proof that our children is learning. (And don’t get me started on why the Jets drafted Vernon Gholston.)

    Much as I am willing to cede national affairs to the National Football League, I still think that the sport needs a few presidential reforms. As my friend Charles Harris likes to say, there are too many “dead spots” in the average football game, which is played in fits and starts between the Viagra ads and the trailers for yet another prime time autopsy.

    To save football, if not America, from turning into a televised side show, here are a few modest proposals, suitable for the next White House beer summit:

    • Get rid of the fair catch on punts and, as in Canada, mandate a safe zone around the return man, who is otherwise obligated to make a run for it;
    • Reward kicking teams by getting rid of the touchback and require that all kicks (except those that roll out of the end zone) be returned;
    • Think about weight limits for players (who now look like animated cattle) to restore to the game its fast pace and the improvisation of scat backs. Why should size largely determine who can play the game?
    • Reform the extra point, one of the deadest moments in any game. It’s just there to stop the clock for more ads. Bring back the drop kick, spot the ball on the 30 yard line, or make teams line it up where they crossed the end zone, as is the case with rugby. But try anything to give the moment the excitement of a soccer penalty kick;
    • Eliminate the need for six down offensive linemen (a bad Roosevelt reform), and let teams spread the field with offensive players, as happens now in some college programs. Who would not love seeing eight men out for a pass?
    • Award four points for a field goal over fifty yards. My friend Charles thinks this is a stunt, like basketball’s three-point play, but I am for anything that allows a losing team to make the game close in the fourth quarter;
    • End the artificial distinction by which running backs just have to “cross the plane” of the end zone, but then in order to score receivers have to have “two feet in bounds.” In the interest of higher scoring games, let any touch of the end zone, by a receiver or ball carrier, count for a touchdown.
    • Don’t stop the clock when the ball is carried out of bounds, except in the last two minutes of each half. European soccer doesn’t ever stop its clock, and that game has a delightful flow. It’s one thing America can safely import from Europe.

    Will it take a constitutional convention to get my ideas approved? It might, given that most Americans would rather change the Constitution than mess with the rules of football. But returning speed and spontaneity to the game might also have the same effect on the country’s politics, which in the age of Roosevelt were not subject to “further review” or endless “challenges.” And it was an era of sustained peace.

    Consider this: When Roosevelt was president, more Americans died on the gridiron than fell on foreign fields. And he found even those deaths unacceptable. When Teddy went to West Point, it was to strut around in a raccoon coat, not to send college seniors into dubious battle.

    Matthew Stevenson is author of An April Across America and the soon to be published Remembering the Twentieth Century Limited. In a subsequent article he will write about how the game of professional football became hostage to monopoly money.

  • Obama Credit for Bush Fuel Efficiency Improvement

    The press’s love affair with President Obama goes so far as to give him credit for actions of his predecessor, George W. Bush. Over the last week, the New York Times and The Guardian,
    Britain’s “quality leftist daily gave the President credit for working out a deal with auto makers to improve fuel efficiency by 30%.

    Not quite. The Obama Administration worked out a deal with the automakers under which they would not sue if the already approved 2020 fuel efficiency standards were advanced to 2016. In fact, the 30% improvement, which was in the 2020 standards, was passed by Congress in 2007 and signed by President Bush.

    This is not to deny credit to President Obama for working out the agreement with the auto industry that removed the possibility of legal challenges to advancing the Bush 30% improvement by 4 years. The government’s substantial financial stake in General Motors and Chrysler probably helped seal the deal.

  • The Urbanophile Plan for Detroit

    If Brookings’ plan for Detroit isn’t enough to get the job done, what is?

    Turning around Detroit means facing head on the core problems that hobble the region, notably:

    • America’s worst big city race relations
    • A population that is too big for current economic reality
    • A management and labor culture rooted in an era that no longer exists and is unsuited to the modern economy
    • A tax, regulatory, and political system toxic to business

    A robust plan for renewal in Detroit will tackle these problems, recognizing that matters like improving race relations and cultural change need indigenous solutions from courageous local leaders. Then mix this with best practices from elsewhere and innovative, unique to Detroit solutions. And be patient, knowing the turnaround won’t be a short journey.

    1. Repair race relations. The city-suburb divide in Detroit, to an extent far greater than elsewhere, is a matter of black and white. Bringing racial rapprochement won’t be easy, but it is an absolute imperative for future regional success. Perhaps a newly shared sense of economic pain can foster this, along with grass roots connections such as white urban gardeners making common cause with black ones seeking better access to fresh foods.

    2. Active shrinkage. Many recognize the need for Detroit to “right size” to its reduced population and for federal help doing so. But beyond adjusting to the city’s decline, the region remains too big. Detroit no longer needs large armies of unskilled and even skilled laborers in its factories. There is simply no economic raison d’etre for a region the size of Detroit in that location today. A lot more people need to leave Detroit. Many already would like to but can’t because they can’t sell their house or afford to move. Serious consideration should be given to a federally assisted voluntary relocation program when the national economy recovers to help Detroiters move to Texas or other places with strong jobs growth if they want to. Detroit should also engage with those who did move away to create an urban alumni network. In a globalized economy, those Michigan expatriates can serve as a sort of field sales force for the city.

    3. Improve the Business Climate. Michigan’s government needs to be downsized to match a downsized state. Dubious programs of all types, from film industry subsidies to “cool cities” initiatives need to be scaled back or eliminated. The criminal justice system should be reformed to stop over-incarcerating non-violent offenders. Streamline or eliminate regulation wherever possible, and make those that remain operate swiftly and predictably. Eliminate or merge overlapping jurisdictions, and especially non-general purpose entities that are too often patronage dumps operating out of the public eye. Reduce taxes on business, especially small business.

    4. Change the culture. Michigan’s social and business approach, its labor and management culture and business practices were designed for a stable industrial age dominated by a limited number of large and vertically integrated corporations. Today’s economy is based around smaller, more innovative, nimble firms, virtual networks of people and collaborative business relationships, rapid change, and a competitive global environment. This sort of change has to come from the inside. No one can just tell Detroit how to do it.

    5. Renew Brand Detroit. How does Detroit want to be known in the world and how can it make itself known? Within a framework of shrinkage, Detroit needs to become attractive to the right new talent and new businesses. It needs an aspirational narrative that is authentically Detroit in a way “cool cities” will never be. Cool, No – but edgy? Definitely. Think of Detroit as the new American frontier, a blank canvas where anything is possible, and the ultimate arena in which to pursue alternative visions of urban life. A place where you can pursue a personal urban vision without getting tortured by a Byzantine blizzard of bureaucracy. This should be nourished – and preserved – by maintaining a “light touch” approach to regulation in the city proper. The region is well positioned to attract new urban pioneers and homesteaders, and to leverage its reputation as both a black city and large Arab population center. Detroit should stand proud as “Detroit”. It shouldn’t hide behind euphemisms like “Southeastern Michigan” or “The Big D” – as if that fools anybody. Detroit is a name with international recognition and resonance. Wear it with pride.

    6. Pursue Targeted Industry Clusters. The auto industry will remain a mainstay in Detroit, particularly management and R&D, though a lot smaller after a federally assisted restructuring. But the city should be wary of overly pursuing “me-too” industries like life sciences without distinctive advantages. Instead, Detroit should look to get its “fair share” of those, then look for where it is positioned to uniquely excel and try to create the environment favorable for investment. Potential targets include:

    • A lead role in international trade with Canada.
    • Dominating and expanding non-energy/non-financial trade and relations with the Middle East and Muslim world. With America’s largest Arab population, Detroit is positioned to be the American gateway to that ever more important part of the globe the way Miami is to Latin America.
    • Music. Detroit has one of America’s richest and most innovative musical legacies, from Motown to electronica to hip hop. But it hasn’t profited from it. Detroit needs to take a page from Nashville and figure out how.
    • Realize the Detroit Aerotropolis plan.
    • Alternative urban visions. The recipe for grass roots neighborhood renewal in the city, and a potential innovation cluster for any new Detroit ideas that gain widespread adoption.

    7. Rationalize Regional Governance and Infrastructure Investment. Detroit should seriously question any expansion of infrastructure when shrinking in regional population. All subsidized infrastructure expansion outside of currently fully urbanized areas should be terminated. It makes no sense to be widening streets on the fringes when you are ripping them out in the city. In this context, the kind of fixed rail investments advocated by Brookings and other “me too” urban boosters should be avoided in this highly decentralized region. Rather, the central city should start with a quality bus network, with rail added later if and only if existing ridership justifies it.

    8. Secure Irreplaceable Assets. Detroit built amazing treasures during its golden age, many of them lost or threatened. Detroit has one of the largest collection of pre-War high rises in America. Yet many of them stand vacant. Another gem, the Lafayette Building, is about to be demolished because it is so badly deteriorated, with trees growing on the roof. Some funds need to be earmarked for securing and and supporting basic maintenance such as roof integrity. While there may not be demand to reuse these structures now, they are irreplaceable and should be saved for future generations. On the cultural side, Detroit needs to ask itself tough questions about institutions like the Detroit Institute of the Arts and the Detroit Symphony Orchestra that are bleeding red ink.

    The road back for Detroit won’t be short or easy. It will certainly not be back as the colossus of its past. But Detroit can grasp a more successful future if it finds the courage and the leadership to change, and to find a unique path forward for a city that is simply not like anyplace else in the world. Conventional wisdom solutions are just not enough. It will take radical change, new attitudes and an ability to think independently about what’s best for the region.

     

    The Brookings Plan

    The Urbanophile Plan

    Race Relations

    Segregation is acknowledged

    Improving race relations is a top imperative

    Regional Governance

    Strong Regionalism Featuring:
    – Council of Mayors
    – Regional transportation and land use management
    – Potential tax sharing
    – Receivership for failed government entities

    Adopt Brookings Plan

    Brand Positioning

    N/A

    – “The New American Frontier”, the land of possibility, a blank canvas, and the ultimate arena in which to realize alternative and new visions of urban life.
    – “Detroit”, NOT “Southeast Michigan”, “The D”, etc.

    Economic Development Paradigm

    Government industrial policy

    Improve the business climate

    Fiscal Policy

    N/A

    – Downsize all level of government to match a downsized Michigan and Detroit
    – Eliminate dubious programs (e.g., film industry subsidies and “cool cities” initiatives)
    – Merge or eliminate overlapping obsolete jurisdictions
    – Cut taxes on business, especially small businesses

    Regulatory Reform

    N/A

    – Seek out and eliminate rules without a clear rationale and net benefits, esp. ones that negatively affect the business climate
    – Make remaining regulations operate swiftly and predictably
    – Reform a criminal justice system that over-incarcerates for non-violent offenses
    – Maintain “Light Touch” Regulation in the City of Detroit to Sustain Frontier Appeal

    Target Economic Sectors

    – Advanced Manufacturing / Auto-Related R&D
    – Green Industry
    – Life Sciences
    – University Spin-Offs

    – Advanced Manufacturing / Auto-Related R&D
    – International Trade with Canada
    – Non-Energy/Non-Financial Trade with the Arab and Muslim World.
    – Music-Related Development
    – Aerotropolis Industry
    – Alternative Urban Visions (e.g., urban agriculture, urban decay tourism)
    – “Fair Share” of Green Industry, Life Sciences, and University Spin-Offs

    Auto Industry Future

    Federally assisted restructuring

    Adopt Brookings Plan

    Management & Labor Culture; Regional Business Practices

    N/A

    Urgent change is prerequisite to success

    Human Capital Targets

    N/A

    – New Urban Pioneers
    – African Americans
    – People of Middle Eastern or Muslim Origin
    – Musicians and Musical Acts

    Adjusting to Population Loss

    – Government sponsored footprint shrinkage
    – Brownfield remediation

    Adopt Brookings Plan and Supplement With
    – A federally-assisted voluntary relocation program
    – Creation of a “Detroit Alumni Network”

    Transportation

    Rail transit

    – Terminate highway and other infrastructure expansion outside of fully developed areas
    – Build privately funded Woodward light rail, then avoid further rail investments
    – Improve the urban bus network
    – Build new bridge crossings to Canada
    – Support improvements to entire 401/I-75 corridor for freight growth

    Historic Preservation

    N/A

    – Inventory and invest to secure and “mothball” key historic structures, esp. pre-War downtown high rises

    Aaron M. Renn is an independent writer on urban affairs based in the Midwest. His writings appear at The Urbanophile.

  • Detroit Needs a Bolder Plan

    The Brookings Institution recently unveiled “The Detroit Project”, a plan to revive Detroit, in the New Republic. Brookings’ plan has good elements and recognizes some important realities, but also has key gaps. It relies excessively on industrial policy and conventional approaches that are unlikely to drive a real turnaround in America’s most troubled big city.

    On the plus side, Brookings does a great job stating why Detroit’s fortunes will take a long time to reverse, possibly a generation or more. As they note, “Detroit’s leaders must manage expectations. It took half a century for the city to get this low. It won’t turn around in a four-year political cycle.” Authors as prescient as Jane Jacobs and as conventional as Time were talking about Detroit’s decline as far back as the early 60s. Turnaround won’t happen in six months or even six years. Given the political preference for election-cycle results, this means strong and courageous leadership will be needed, a point they also stress. Sadly, that’s a commodity that has long been in short supply in Detroit.

    Brookings is known for their promotion of regionalism, and this plan predictably follows that prescription. Clearly, rationalization of investment policy on a regional basis is needed. The Detroit region is losing population, yet the long range transportation plan calls for huge amounts of spending to widen roads on the fringes. That makes no sense. People and businesses in Detroit keep moving out as the cities and suburbs they once inhabited fall into ruin under a regime of failed stewardship and the endless search for new greenfields to exploit. It’s like prospectors skipping from one clapped out mining town to the next. If they want to do that, they shouldn’t expect the rest of us to pay for it via federal funds – either to build the new or to clean up the mess in the ghost towns they leave behind.

    They also recognize the need for improved governance, including potentially state receivership for failed institutions. (They did not, however, give due credit to new Mayor Bing for the change and new leadership attitude he has already brought to the table). Suggestions like a focus on brownfield remediation and managed shrinkage were on point, as was the recognition that significant federal assistance will be required. Given the depths of the problems in Detroit and Michigan, the city and state are not going to be able to do it alone.

    The plan also rightly notes that “Detroit will have to become a different kind of city, one that challenges our idea of what a city is supposed to look like, and what happens within its boundaries.” Very true. Unfortunately, much of the rest of the Brookings prescription failed to meet that challenge.

    Brookings’ plan relies heavily on analogy to other post-industrial cities, especially in Europe, which makes it difficult to be sure exactly what they are recommending at times. Even to casual observers, these cities are far different from Detroit. For one thing, Detroit is huge. The region, if one includes Ann Arbor and Windsor, Canada, is over five million in population – more than double the size of Brookings comparison areas.

    Places like Turin and Bilbao also have radically different built forms, history, culture, and are virtually racially and ethnically homogeneous compared to Detroit. Even the measurements of European success need to be redone. Neither Italy nor Spain represent role models since both have fared worse than America in the current downturn. These countries (and cities) are aging rapidly, with some of the world’s lowest birthrates.

    Their US examples of Toledo and Akron (i.e., greater Cleveland) are hardly bright and shining lights of economic or demographic success. Since 2000, Akron has lost nearly 10,000 people and Toledo over 20,000. Toledo’s 11.4% unemployment rate exceeds the nation’s. These aren’t even Ohio’s biggest cities, much less dominating the state’s economy the way Detroit does Michigan.

    Brookings also all but ignores a lot of the root issues of Detroit’s problem. Firstly, they fail to make a point about healing America’s most poisoned race relations, arguably the signature issue of Detroit. Racial tensions and inequity have perpetually bedeviled America. Making progress in Detroit won’t be easy, but is an absolute prerequisite to progress. Perhaps shared economic struggles will finally provide a common interest around which to build some form of racial rapprochement.

    Most glaringly, Brookings has nothing at all to say about Detroit and Michigan’s tax and regulatory regime, its failed management and labor cultures, or its dysfunctional state politics. Brookings’ desire to stay on good terms with the establishment might inhibit their ability to speak freely, but these problems must be confronted.

    It is impossible to ignore this witch’s brew of policies and attitudes that is totally toxic to economic development. It’s a classic case of ignoring the elephant in the room. Until these blocking and tackling matters are addressed, Detroit is going to remain kryptonite to business expansion. In Forbes 2009 list of the best states for business, Michigan ranked 49th.

    Instead of improving the terrible business climate, Brookings proposes a top-down industrial policy, explicitly stating “local government (or NGOs, even) can play the role of industrial planner. That is, they can look across the map and find instances where research institutions and manufacturers should collaborate on new ventures.” And they say “public money” is needed to retool old industries and advance new ones. The government in Detroit can’t even manage the delivery of basic city services. None of the region’s levels of government have performed well on their core competency, so why would we believe these entities would be effective venture capitalists or industrial planners? This is a recipe for epic rent seeking and an economic Waterloo on a grand scale.

    Their suggested industries for Detroit are a tired looking roster of the same ones everyplace else is chasing: green industry, life sciences, advanced manufacturing, and university technology spin-offs. With such a crowded playing field – 49 out of 50 states are chasing life sciences, for example – it is hard to discern the Detroit region’s distinctive capabilities in any of these areas apart from automotive related R&D and manufacturing. Sure, they’ll get some slice of the pie in these growing markets, but unlikely enough to turn the ship around or create a true innovation cluster.

    Public-private partnerships do have a strong role to play in Detroit’s economic development. This includes looking for sectors where it can realistically compete and win, and looking to create the infrastructure and conditions necessary for them to flourish in terms of facilities, talent attraction, legal and regulatory frameworks, regional business culture and practices, and more. It’s about creating fertile soil, not picking winners.

    However, assistance to the restructuring auto industry was clearly required. Without federal aid, GM and Chrysler would have been liquidated. They still might, but given the importance of that industry to our economy, it is probably worth doing what we have to do for now. But we should recognize that getting in was a lot easier than getting out will be, and that the end result might still be failure or Soviet style zombie companies that survive only as wards of the state.

    Lastly, the praise of rail transit by Brookings – the cook book solution du jour for cities – is puzzling. Again, Detroit is shrinking and needs to shrink more. Trains work best when people are commuting to a central point, but jobs have been disappearing from the core of Detroit for generations. Today barely 4.5 percent of area employment takes place in the urban core, among the lowest percentages among the nation’s top 50 cities.

    As with fringe highway expansion, the last thing Detroit needs is even more infrastructure. It has too much already that it can’t afford to maintain. Taking on a costly new rail transit system with both high capital expenditures and significant ongoing operations and maintenance costs is a dubious proposition – particularly when the existing bus network is on the verge of a near shutdown. The biggest game changer from an infrastructure perspective – new highway crossings to Canada to strengthen Detroit as the premier gateway to Canadian international trade – is not mentioned.

    So while Brookings gets a few key pieces of the puzzle right, ultimately their solution is too standard issue and lacks the boldness and innovative thinking needed to tackle the core problems and create a realistic prospect for renewal.

    In the next installment tomorrow: a better plan for Detroit.

    Aaron M. Renn is an independent writer on urban affairs based in the Midwest. His writings appear at The Urbanophile.

  • What Happens When California Defaults?

    The California Legislative Analyst’s Office recently reported that the State faces a $21 billion shortfall in the current as well as the next fiscal year. That’s a problem, a really big problem. My young son would say it was a ginormous problem. In fact, it may be an insurmountable problem.

    Our governor and legislature used every trick in their books when they created the most recent budget. They even resorted to mandatory interest-free loans from the taxpayers. Now, they have no idea where to go. The Democrats have declared that they will not allow budget cuts. The Republicans will not allow tax increases. They have probably run out of smoke and mirrors, although their ability to engage in budget gimmickry is enough to make an Enron accountant blush. No one is considering raising revenues by increasing economic activity.

    In my opinion, California is now more likely to default than it is to not default. It is not a certainty, but it is a possibility that is increasingly likely.

    Then what?

    Ideally, we’d see a court-supervised, orderly bankruptcy similar to what we see when a company defaults. All creditors, including direct lenders, vendors, employees, pensioners, and more would share in the losses based on established precedent and law. Perhaps salaries would be reduced. Some programs could see significant changes. This is distressing, but it is better than other options.

    Unfortunately, a formal bankruptcy is not the likely scenario. There is no provision for it in the law. Consequently, absent framework and rules of bankruptcy, the eventual default is likely to be very messy, contentious and political.

    Other states have defaulted. Nine states defaulted on credit obligations in the 1840s. Most of those states eventually repaid all of their creditors (see William E. English “Understanding the Costs of Sovereign Default: U.S. State Debts in the 1840s,” American Economic Review, vol. 86 (March 1996), pp. 259-75.) Unfortunately, the examples in the 1840s are not much help in anticipating the impacts of a modern default. Circumstances are different, and things have changed, a lot.

    We’re left with the question: what happens when California defaults?

    The worst case would be the mother of all financial crises. According to the California State Treasurer’s office, California has over $68 billion in public debt, but the Sacramento Bee’s Dan Walters has tried to count total California public debt, including that of local municipalities, and his total reaches $500 billion. Whatever the amount, the impact of default could be larger than the debt amount would imply. Other states – New York, Illinois, New Jersey, for example – are in almost as bad shape as California, and they could follow California’s example. The realization that a state could default would shock markets every bit as much as when Lehman Brothers failed. Given the precarious state of our economy and the financial sector, another fiscal crisis would be disastrous, with impacts far beyond California’s borders.

    What would a California default look like? In a sense, we’ve already seen California default, when that state issued vouchers. If any company tried that, they would be in bankruptcy court in days. Issuing vouchers didn’t trigger a California crisis because banks were willing to honor the vouchers. If banks refuse to honor the vouchers next time, employees and vendors won’t be paid, and state operations will come to a halt. This could happen if our legislature locks up and is unable to act on the current $21 billion problem.

    Another possible California scenario is that the State will try to sell or roll over some debt, and no one buys it. Already, we’ve seen California officials surprised with the interest rates they have had to pay. What happens if no one buys California’s debt? We saw last September what happens when lenders refuse to lend to large creditors.

    If we continue on the current path, the worst case is also the more likely case. Bad news keeps dribbling out. One day we find we are paying 30-percent-higher-than-anticipated interest on a bond issue. A few days later, we find the budget shortfall is billions of dollars higher than projected just a short time ago. Every month brings new bad news. The risk that one of those news events triggers a crisis grows with every news event.

    Given California’s recent history, it is difficult to believe that the people with the authority and responsibility for California’s finances can act responsibly, but that is what we need. Responsible action would be creating a gimmick-free budget that places California finances on a sustainable path, and provides an environment that allows for opportunity and job creation. But, sadly, Sacramento probably cannot draft an honest balanced budget, and will thus need to plan for California’s eventual default. They need to work with Federal Government and Federal Reserve Bank officials to insure a coordinated plan to limit damage to financial markets. That plan needs to be ready to release when markets go crazy, which is exactly what could happen when participants realize that default is possible. It could be needed sooner than they think.

    Bill Watkins is a professor at California Lutheran University and runs the Center for Economic Research and Forecasting, which can be found at clucerf.org.

  • “Planning Pool:” Length of Year Increases 800% in 2008 from Previous Year?

    The Canadian planning blog “Planning Pool” congratulated the Charlotte, North Carolina light rail line, noting that it “experienced an 800% increase in ridership last year” (“Transit Success in Sprawl City,” December 4).

    The impressive increase was made possible by comparing apples and oranges. Last year (2008) the Charlotte light rail service operated all year, while in the previous year (2007), service operated fewer than 40 days (the line opened in late November). Following its logic, the “Planning Pool” missed an even bigger story: apparently 2008 was 800% longer than the previous year (an increase from fewer than 40 days to 365).

    Of course, it’s either apples or oranges and, one way or the other, a revision is in order.

  • Nurturing Employment Recovery

    President Obama’s quick exit from Oslo and late arrival in Copenhagen suggest he’s finally ready to shift focus from Nordic adulation and fighting climate change and diplomacy to fixing the American economy. About time. As former Clinton adviser Bill Galston observed recently, the president needs “to pivot and make 2010 the year of jobs.”

    White House operatives, as well as the Democrats in Congress, know high unemployment could bring big political trouble next year. But in their rush to create new jobs, policy makers would do well to focus on the quality of jobs created over the next year and beyond.

    On this score, the slight improvements in the job picture are far from sufficient. The most recent analysis of employment over the past year by the Web site JobBait shows that almost all the growth has occurred in three fields–government, education and health care.

    The problem: All these fields are financed by taxpayers or through transfer payments. They do little to expand our exports, and they employ few of the blue- collar male workers who have been hardest hit by the “hecession.”

    Unemployment for men is over 2.5% higher than for women, the largest gap in history. In all but a handful of states, male-dominated fields such as transportation, mining and logging, manufacturing and warehousing have declined rapidly over the past year. The only states to experience gains were North Dakota, Montana and West Virginia.

    This reflects the critical weakness in the stimulus package. The stimulus focused on government bailouts and transfers of research funds to universities, while less than 5% went to basic infrastructure. But a greater emphasis on infrastructure would not only have created large numbers of construction jobs, it would have boosted our industrial competitiveness by eliminating bottlenecks in our transportation system.

    The only big regional beneficiary of expanding government employment has been, unsurprisingly, the Washington Beltway. Indeed, the number of federal bureaucrats making $100,000 or more jumped from 14% to 19% since the recession–and that’s $100,000 before overtime and bonuses.

    Elsewhere, the surge of government employment is petering out, particularly on the state and municipal levels. These jurisdictions are running out of money, since they are unable to print their own. Over the past year government jobs contracted in financially strapped states like California, Oregon, Michigan and Florida, as well as throughout the Northeast and New England. There’s little hope for much improvement in 2010.

    The other two sectors to enjoy significant growth have been education and health. Yet these fields do not seem to generate the broad-based economic growth needed to boost the overall economy. The region most often favorably linked with the “eds and meds” economy, Pittsburgh, has produced only modest, below-average job growth over the past generation. In fact, Pittsburgh has looked successful largely because the region has continued to hemorrhage its population to other regions, and it attracts few foreign immigrants.

    Yet the fiscal damage from dependence on public and nonprofit employment has been enormous. The city suffers a billion-dollar unfunded pension liability, among the highest in the nation on a per-capita basis. Due to the heavy local presence of institutions of higher education, nonprofits and hospitals, who keep about 40% of Pittsburgh’s property remains tax-exempt. In a sign of desperation Mayor Luke Ravenstahl recently proposed taxing tuition at local colleges and universities, eliciting outrage from the academic world.

    More important, the Pittsburgh “eds and meds” model can’t really be applied to a country whose workforce will expand by roughly 1 million annually over the next decade. The country now has fewer jobs than it had in March 2000, even though the labor force has grown by 12.1 million workers. There is no way we can produce enough growth depending on sectors that feed off taxpayers and private enterprise.

    This shortfall will be particularly tough on millenials as they enter their 20s and 30s. Already those 18 to 24 now have an unemployment rate over 18%. Not surprisingly, as Morley Winograd and Mike Hais observe, lack of jobs now stands as the No. 1 concern for those under 30.

    Another problem: We are now producing many more educated workers than we can gainfully employ. Information jobs may not be disappearing at the rate of industrial ones, but they have lost nearly 3 million positions since 1999. One likely result has been that returns to education–hyped by academics and “progressive” economists–have been dropping, particularly for younger workers. The unemployment rate for recent college grads is currently 10.6%, a record high.

    So, how to create opportunities that pay well? Some place their hopes in either the “green” or “creative” economies. But the green sector has been notably ineffective in sparking growth across other parts of the economy. A much-hyped report issued by California green-boosters bragged “green jobs”–which included everything from public relations representatives to marketing managers, accountants and brick-layers–account for something like 1% of employment. Even with heavy subsidies by taxpayers, the “green” sector seems unlikely to rescue an economy with 12.5% unemployment.

    Many politicians, particularly California’s increasingly delusional governor, also fail to recognize the cost that the “green agenda” exacts on a struggling economy. A draft report by a state advisory committee estimates California’s new draconian greenhouse gas laws could cost the state economy over $143 billion over the next decade. Efforts to spread this kind of regulation–either through federal legislation or EPA directives–would inflict similar pain to economies beyond the Sierra Nevada.

    As for the much ballyhooed “creative” sector, video producers, financial analysts, architects and other workers in the non-tangible economy are less susceptible to green pressures than factory workers, truckers or farmers. Yet as the JobBait report shows, information, business and professional services haven’t fared well over the past year. So far the only winners in professional and business services are in small states: New Mexico, Utah, South Carolina and, once again, West Virginia.

    Perhaps it’s time to abandon the notion that the U.S. can rely on preferred sectors–“green”, creative or “eds or meds”–to turn around our vast economy. Theorists often forget the essential ties that exist between tangible and intangible sectors. The strongest growth in high-end services are usually propelled by growth in tangible industries, such as energy, agriculture or manufacturing. When those industries tank, as in much of the upper Midwest, high-end services decline with them.

    Green jobs, too, require a strong economy. It is not by mistake that the big cities with the largest numbers of new “green” construction projects are not in Portland, San Francisco or other eco-capitals, but in more robust, if less organically obsessed places like Dallas and Houston. To create green jobs, you need to have growth, particularly in “hard” industries like construction and manufacturing.

    Instead of favoring certain sectors, the administration’s job “pivot” needs to focus across all economic sectors. This can be done in a pragmatic non-ideological manner. It could combine the increase in infrastructure and scientific research spending favored by many on the left with more market-friendly approaches–industrial tax credits and streamlining some regulatory standards–associated with conservatives.

    In the end the goal of policy should not be just to create more jobs, but to nurture employment that will make our economy stronger and more competitive over time. Until that happens, the recovery will create an economy fundamentally unable to sustain itself in an ever more competitive global environment.

    This article originally appeared at Forbes.com.

    Joel Kotkin is executive editor of NewGeography.com and is a distinguished presidential fellow in urban futures at Chapman University. He is author of The City: A Global History. His next book, The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050, will be published by Penguin Press early next year.

  • What To Look For In Healthcare Reform: Location, Location, Location

    A Reuters article that was widely picked up around the globe recently raised the question, Are Doctors What Ails US Healthcare? Comparing the New York suburb of White Plains to Bakersfield, California, the article uses the evergreen two-Americas paradigm to discuss disparities in health care. Drawing heavily on the Dartmouth Atlas of Healthcare, it highlights a sad but inescapable fact: doctors want to live in some places and not in others, giving the “have” populations more intensive medical care which they might or might not need, while have-nots, who tend to be older, sicker and poorer, get health care to match. The article asserts that there’s nothing in current health care reform legislation that will do anything to address the disparities.

    I agree. But then, what should we expect? The legislation, which I find marginally more desirable than doing nothing at all, is largely about insurance, not about health care. This is what happens when we emphasize how we pay for something, rather than what we are paying for. Are doctors what ails U.S. health care? Only in the sense that they are operating on the same basis as everyone else in the health care market: every man for himself.

    You don’t have to make bi-coastal comparisons to find the disparities highlighted in the Reuters article. My own Hudson Valley not-for-profit insurance company faces them every day. We cover the Medicaid populations from the aforementioned White Plains, NY, to the South, to the blighted economies of the Catskills to the North and West. The distance involved is only about 150 miles, but day in, day out it might as well be 1500. And socially, it might as well be 150 years. Sullivan County is still organized geographically the way it developed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries — farms, woods, and mills, only without the mill jobs.

    There was a brief shining moment (well, half a century) when urban Jews and other vacationers formed the basis of a thriving tourist trade in the “Borscht Belt” resorts of Monticello, Sullivan County’s hot spot. When they closed, they provided ideal settings for residential drug and alcohol rehab for poor people from New York City, but those aren’t exactly the foundation for high-quality community health care. When we initially started offering state-sponsored insurance to the poor of Sullivan County, the historical dearth of specialists made it a laboratory for what a free market looks like when there’s no competition. (Do I hear the words “strong public option”?) Because New York State requires us to have a decent network of contracted doctors for our enrollees, the sole cosmetic surgeon – for example – could extract pretty much any fee he wanted from us in exchange for seeing a patient who needed emergency reconstructive surgery.

    Your tax dollars meet supply and demand and a mandate to pay within a private market.

    I don’t blame the specialists. They are highly trained and skilled, and have paid their dues. If I blame anyone, it’s the system that sets the dues so high, in the form of college and medical school loans and years of fellowships that leave well-meaning doctors feeling that they deserve all that money, just like corporate farmers and hedge fund managers.

    It’s also not the doctors’ fault that they want good schools and cultural amenities. I haven’t seen much of Bakersfield, but I know that schools in and around White Plains have good reputations and are just twenty miles from Broadway and the Metropolitan Museum (and ten miles from my Tarrytown office). Maybe we can fix schools and reinvigorate the National Endowment for the Arts to make every remote locale more like Westchester, but that would be socialism.

    Dartmouth Atlas data is easily available online, and well worth spending some time with. You can use it to create all kinds of two-America scenarios that provide instant object lessons in our health care inequities. My personal favorite is that health care spending in Miami, Florida for Medicare patients in the last two years of life (highest in the nation) is exactly twice that in Portland, Oregon (lowest of the regions studied), with commensurate volumes of appointments, referrals, tests and hospitalizations, and no better outcomes. Here we see the same dynamics that make pawnshops spring up around gambling casinos and candy stores near public schools. Doctors go where the customers are, and once they arrive they maximize their revenues and measure success by volume, not outcomes.

    Why should we expect anything different, when reform legislation is captive to the same kind of have/have not dichotomy that shapes health care delivery itself? Senators Max Baucus of Montana and Kent Conrad of North Dakota are two of the pillars of the anti-public option caucus. They come from states with small populations, and both take barrels of money from the health insurance industry because they can’t raise it locally. If they play their cards right, who knows? They could leave Congress and become haves themselves, like Billy Tauzin, who is now Big Pharma’s man in Washington, having engineered the passage of Medicare Part D, or Tom Daschle, once a champion of single payer, who now plays both sides of the street with special interest money.

    Are Doctors What Ails US Healthcare? quotes David Goodman, Director of Health Policy Research at the Dartmouth Institute for Health Policy and Clinical Practice, who says there’s an “irrational distribution” of the most valuable and expensive U.S. health care resources. I would say that the distribution is entirely rational given the insanity of the larger situation.

    If we’re ever going to find our way out of this mess, we’re going to have to do for these health care backwaters, both rural and urban, what we used to do when private capital wouldn’t do the job. Set goals and build the infrastructure to serve them, because the market won’t do it. Want to electrify Appalachia? You need the TVA. Want to make the desert bloom? Build dams and aqueducts. Want to open up the interior of the country? Build an Interstate Highway system. Want doctors to practice in unattractive markets? Create an MD Bill for doctors like the old GI Bill for veterans, so that doctors emerge from training feeling more like public servants and less like indentured servants.

    I attended a discussion of health care reform not long ago at the Yale School of Public Health. The representative of the private health insurance industry put the issues in a compelling perspective, although not, perhaps, for the reasons he cited.

    His arguments were three: First, we require automobile owners to carry insurance, so requiring everyone to carry health insurance shouldn’t be a problem (I know that President Obama made this point, too, and I hated him for it). Second, do you want a health care system that runs like the Post Office, or one that runs like Federal Express? And third, the health insurance industry is really a jobs program, and do we really want to put all those people out of work?

    These are shallow arguments. Car insurance? There’s no law that says you have to own a car, but everyone needs health care. A health insurance mandate is more like forcing every American to buy a new car and giving them a choice between Ford or GM. Post Office and FedEx? A company that can’t send a package overnight from suburban Tarrytown into New York City without round-trip flights to Memphis and back is no model for health care delivery, and besides, I’d like to see what FedEx can do for the price of first class postage. Jobs? A dynamic economy finds ways of redeploying redundant workers in more significant jobs. Wouldn’t those actuaries make good math teachers?

    The arguments were so hollow that no one bothered to argue, and the insurance rep was undoubtedly relieved. A fellow panelist who practices medicine in Cambridge, Dr. David Himmelstein of Harvard, said simply, “My practice would have no trouble making money on Medicare, single-payer reimbursement rates if we didn’t have to pay so many people to argue with insurance companies.”

    Unfortunately, the larger discussion is still stuck on insurance, and as long as it is, the two health care Americas will never become one.

    Georganne Chapin is President and CEO of Hudson Health Plan, a not-for-profit Medicaid managed care organization, and the Hudson Center for Health Equity & Quality, an independent not-for-profit that promotes universal access and quality in health care through streamlining. Both organizations are based in Tarrytown, New York.

  • Demographics May Be Destiny, but Mind the Assumptions

    Demographic projections have become an essential tool of national, state and local governments, international agencies, and private businesses. The first step in planning for the future is to get a picture of what the terrain is going to look like when you get there. That’s mainly what I do for clients, audiences and subscribers, and demographics provide the frame (like assembling all the straight-edge pieces of a jigsaw puzzle first). But here’s the thing about projections: a small change at an inflection point, or the inclusion (or exclusion) of salient variables, can result in big changes to the future you are trying to describe. So like all treatments of the future, everything depends on the underlying assumptions, and the salience of the variables chosen for inclusion.

    Demographics and Depression?
    For example, a couple of recent essays on demographic trends start with different assumptions, consider different variables, and come to wildly divergent conclusions. David Goldman, associate editor at First Things, says the housing market has collapsed, and will remain in depression, because of the dearth of two-parent families with children.

    Goldman asserts that only a a policy to restore the traditional family to a central position in American life can work to save the housing market. Without this, he says, ”we cannot expect to return to the kind of wealth accumulation that characterized the 1980s and 1990s.“

    Goldman’s argument centers on the idea that the US housing market is driven by one variable: two-parent families with children. And since that variable has not been growing, neither can housing demand. Yet, obviously, other household types besides two-parent families with children desire, can afford, and live in detached houses. Indeed, 55.2% of all single-person households owned homes in 2007, up from 49% in 1990.

    There is also a large population of empty-nest households (people who have already raised their kids), but who choose to continue to live in houses. Other demographic trends that will contribute to the continued preference for detached houses: increased longevity, better health, later childbearing, more home-based businesses, the presence of “delayed launch” kids (or those who boomerang to live at home before “final launch”), or a desire to have room for grandkids to visit. There is also the reality that many people will not want to move because of proximity of neighbors, churches, clubs and work.

    One must also note that foreign immigration and domestic migration, even under lowest-variable projections, will still be substantial in coming decades, fueling housing demand.

    In addition, other demographic trends suggest family and household formations will, once employment and income conditions improve, again provide a demand for houses. For example, there are more people entering their 20s now than in any time since the 1960s and early 1970s. True, we have just passed through a period of slow growth in family-age household formation, but once this Millennial generation start making money in an improving economy, they will start forming families and households, and will start buying houses.

    The World’s New Numbers
    Another recent essay on demographic projections starts with different assumptions, looks at different variables, and comes to different conclusions. Martin Walker, writing in The Wilson Quarterly, notes that something dramatic has happened to the world’s birthrates: they are up in developed countries, and down in developing countries (the opposite of what most dire forecasts project).

    Walker starts by debunking the assumption that mass migration and low birthrates are transforming the ethnic, cultural and religious identity of Europe. He notes the decline of Muslim birthrates across the globe, and rising birth rates in Western Europe – albeit from very low levels – and consistently higher rates in the United States. He then explains that aging populations in Europe and the US will not place intolerable demands on governments’ pension and health systems, if we are willing and able to both raise the retirement age and increase the workforce participation rate.

    These two steps (not easily achieved, but simple in conception) will result in a very manageable dependency ratio, similar to those of the 1960s, writes Walker. In the United States, the most onerous year for dependency was 1965, when there were 95 dependents for every 100 adults between the ages of 20 and 64 (“dependents” include people both younger and older than working age). By 2002, there were only 49 dependents for every 100 working-age Americans. By 2025 there are projected to be 80, still well below the peak of 1965. The difference is that while most dependents in the 1960s were young, most of the dependents of 2009 and beyond are older. But the point is that there is nothing outlandish about having almost as many dependents as working adults.

    The assumption underlying this more favorable scenario is that given freedom and information, that is to say, given the choice, the continuum of progress and development is uniform and universal: people in all places and of all backgrounds desire middle-class lifestyles (which include single-family detached houses, by the way). And while the planet’s population is expected to grow by about one billion people by 2020, the global middle class will swell by as many as 1.8 billion, with a third of this number residing in China. The global economic recession will retard but not halt the expansion of the middle class.

    The economic transition that development brings is accompanied by the demographic transition to lower birth and death rates (social, cultural and political transitions then occur too). Industrialization, urbanization, suburbanization: that is the pattern of how middle-classes grow. First-world countries have traversed this path, and now emerging countries are following.

    Trends can and do change. In fact, it may even be said that every trend sows the seeds of its own reversal. But it has always been my goal to identify the constants across history, as a way to establish a baseline for evaluating the likelihood of future scenarios (again, the straight-edged pieces). I believe the “aspirational model” to be one of these constants.

    Dr. Roger Selbert is a trend analyst, researcher, writer and speaker. Growth Strategies is his newsletter on economic, social and demographic trends. Roger is economic analyst, North American representative and Principal for the US Consumer Demand Index, a monthly survey of American households’ buying intentions.